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Origin of The Rainbow

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"Rainbow over the Fort Pierre National Grasslands" by Greg Latza.
The Origin Of The Rainbow
The Spirits Of All The Flowers

Edited By Dakota Wind
Bismarck, N.D. - From the last snows of winter to the first frost of the next, from the Pasque Flowers and Easter Daisies in the lingering snows of spring to the White and Purple Asters of the cool fall, the native flowers of the open prairie rise from the heart of grandmother earth and beautify the grassy steppe.

The Lakȟóta say that long ago the flowers could speak. Long ago the Pasque Flower conversed with a young man and reassured him that he would receive a vision. They say that the Prairie Rose used to greet the Lakȟóta as they passed by, a shy flower anyway, became forever silent when its greetings were either unheard or unanswered.

They say that long ago, on a bright summer day, when all the flowers were out, dancing and bobbing in the wind with all their bright and beautiful colors, that they flowers were talking to one another about mortality and the hereafter. The Great Spirit listened to their conversation.

“I wonder where we will go with winter comes and we all must die,” said the flowers. “It doesn’t seem fair. We do our share to make grandmother earth a beautiful place to live. Should we not also go to a spirit country of our own?” they asked.

The Great Spirit carefully considered their questions and decided that the flowers would live on and their beauty would be remembered after the winter snows. Now, after a rain, we may look to the sky above and see all the pretty colors of the flowers from the past year making a beautiful rainbow across the heavens. [1]

In the ancient days, they say that the rainbow used to be solid, that one could actually touch the colors. Then one day a boy, in his rush to climb a rainbow, found sure footing and grip enough to climb the rainbow, and so he did. When he reached the top, he fired a blazing arrow to signal the people, but they couldn’t find it. When they searched for the boy, neither could they find him. The spirits kept the arrow and the boy elusive. Whenever they approached the rainbow it too proved elusive.

The Lakȟóta refer to rainbows as Wígmuŋke, or "A Snare." It is said that the wígmuŋke, causes the storm to end by trapping it, so that no more rain can fall. No one points at the wígmuŋke with their fingers, but use their lips or elbows if they gesture to it.

“When a rainbow comes everyone looks at it. But no one points at it. If you point at it you will suffer then. Your finger will grow very large. It gets big. It is bad to point at the rainbow.” Mrs. Amanda Grass, May 15, 1921. [2]


[1] Works Progress Administration. Legends Of The Mighty Sioux. 5th Printing ed. Whitefish, MT: Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2008.


Spring Returns

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A black capped Chickadee rests on a branch.Spring Returns
Pȟežítȟo Alí

By Dakota Wind
Bismarck, ND – My youngest son and I went for a hike north of Mandan, ND a few weeks ago. At the time, all the snow had melted but for icy remnants tucked away in constant shadow of tree, bush, or along the river banks. The sunlight was as light and warm as a constant summer day.

Meteorologists were prognosticating that there was one more snow on the way, but my faith in their reports is only about fair to partly. Then we heard the Mourning Dove. The Lakȟóta call this bird Wakíŋyela, and they say its springtime song it warns of late snow. There it was, cooing in the branches of quaking aspen and the buffalo berry bush, its song answered by the questioning tweet of škipípi, the chickadee. The Lakota say that when the škipípi sings in springtime it’s really asking if it’s still winter or if in fact that spring is here. We head home.

Then it snowed, but not enough to constitute an emergency shutdown of schools, roads, or work, but enough to lay a soft blanket of powder on the land. There was no roaring wind that came with the snow either, and at best, it might be described best as a quiet light breeze. The snow itself melted as soon as it touched the earth, at least until the earth itself was cold enough to maintain a little accumulation. Then it warmed up, and the snow melted away as quietly as it had come.

I decided to take another hike, and it was a good thing I did. A cool breeze embraced me in my solitary walk. But this breeze came somewhat from the south, over the rolling hills, and across a lake before it enfolded me.

The trail was long but not grueling, and only slightly muddy. A little snow remained collected in the shadows of trees and brush which grew on the north side of this one particular hill. The other side, the one I was aiming for, was covered with last year’s brown grass. The wind and snow had matted the middle grasses to the hilltop like hair on a fevered head.

Sandstone jutted out of the hillside like a toe that worked its way through an old sock. Broken sandstone, worn and blasted from years of wind and rain, lay strewn upon the sides of the hills. 



A Pasque Flower, or Easter Flower on the Northern Great Plains. 

I searched for the first flower of spring and eventually found it on a hillside facing the sun. Glowing in the sun and ready to open their purple petals to the sun. The settlers and their descendants call it the Pasque Flower or Easter Flower, but to the Lakȟóta its known by two names: Hokšíčekpa, which means “Child’s Navel,” because it resembles a child’s bellybutton that is healing after the cord has fallen off; Waȟčá Uŋčí, which means, “Grandmother Flower,” because as it is the first flower of the new year, it is also the first to die.

The Lakȟóta say that the Grandmother Flower sings to the other flowers of the season, telling them to have courage, and that all things go in their time. The flowers have spirits too, you see. They are the colors of the rainbows.

I looked around where the Grandmother Flower was growing and saw the return of something green. It was there, determined to grow, pushing its way through the surface of the earth.

I lay down upon the hillside and reached out and touched the flower before me. It looks like it has a coat of soft fur, and indeed, it is soft to my caress. The petals and leaves as well. Botanists could tell you that it is an ice age flower. That it evolved over time to bloom in the cold and ice. The Lakȟóta could tell you that this flower was gifted her coat, and the color of its coat, by the creator ages ago. Regardless what you would believe, the flower is medicine too.

My lekší Cedric shared with me that the Grandmother Flower can be used to treat dry skin. Others say that the whole flower is used to treat arthritis ailments.

The impulse to pluck the Grandmother flower is strong. The feeling is almost overwhelming as I lay on the ground looking at this flower. I remind myself that I have nothing to leave if I do take one, but also that I have no reason to take one in the first place. I take a few pictures instead, stand up, and dust off bits of dirt and grass. 

From Native America To Iceland

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The sunrise behind Mount Hekla. 
From The Land Of Sky And Wind
To One Of Ice And Fire

By Dakota Wind
SELFOSS, ICELAND - The preconception of Iceland I have is probably much the same that some people have about North Dakota, which is to say, cold, snow, and wind. I had passed through Reykjavik once before ten years ago in January and found the thick powder covering the terrain somewhat resembled the rolling hills of western North Dakota in deep winter.



I arrived on a brisk early Sunday morning. A red sun kissed the eastern horizon before lift off and red golden light poured onto the land and ignited the frost. The land glistened with fire and ice, and my steamy breath glowed with a little rainbow of its own.


Thelma, an educator at Laugalandsskóli in Holt, greeted me at the airport and graciously took me into Reykjavik for breakfast, a walk around town, and to Hallgrímskirkja, a Lutheran church and national landmark, for one of the most memorable services I can remember. My new friend then took me to Bæjarins Beztu Pylsur, a modest hotdog stand known throughout the world for its hotdogs; and finally an early afternoon at the National Museum of Iceland before a drive on the lonely winding road to Holt.

Laugalandsskóli, the school I visited, lays quietly nestled along a clear bubbling stream. The surrounding hills roll into mountains, whose summits climb into the sky. Generations of hardy Icelandic farmers have gradually cleared fields, and ranchers have broken trails in the stony earth for their sturdy Icelandic horses.



My host, Sigurjón, the headmaster of Laugalandsskóli, offered me a bed for the duration of my visit. His ranch style home lay in the shadow of Mount Hekla, along a black sand creek of cold clear water. A few lonely trees stood out on his land, twisted and gnarled by the elements, but made beautiful because of it.

Icelanders refer to volcanoes as “she” and mountains as “he,” geysers as “he,” roads and fences as “he,” and rivers as “he” and lakes as “she.” They find humor in America’s fascination with Bigfoot, but many Icelanders hold to the lore of fairies, trolls, and elves, going so far as to build roads and other development around significant cultural resource properties. And like the Lakȟóta of the Great Plains, far removed from the land of ice and fire, they have many words for the wind.

I brought my winter count, a pictographic record of the history of the Lakȟóta people, and shared stories about life before and after the horse, of conflicts a world away to them, and tragic love stories and songs of the plains; I was introduced to the Saga of the Volsungs.

I shared stories of the Wanági, the Little People of the plains, of Wazíya, the giant of the north, of Uŋktéği, giant serpents of the waters; students shared stories of elves, giants, and dragons.

My most powerful experience came when we exchanged names. I gave my everyday “American” name, followed by my Lakȟóta name and interpreted my name to each class. For the Lakȟóta, names carry a story, a song, and a lineage. For the Icelanders, names also carry lineage. Everyone carries their last name as a marker indicating that he or she is the son or daughter of their fathers, sometimes their mothers. Students interpreted their names and meanings into English for me. Many names could easily have been heard on the Great Plains.


A tree that fights an ever present wind, grows in a fantastic swirl, like something out of a Tim Burton movie.

I made contact with students in grades four through ten most often. I interpreted the pictograph “language” of the Plains Indians through storytelling using my winter count as an example. Over the course of the week, we created pictograph narrative examples so that students could create their own winter count.

For homework, I assigned students to ask their parents about the year they were born and the first five to six years of their lives. One student got a late start on the creation of his pictograph narrative. I learned that he was born in Russia, adopted out of country, and was now in foster care. He didn’t remember much of his childhood and didn’t know his parents. I asked him how old he was, and then asked him if he liked Star Wars: The Phantom Menace, which came out around the time he was born. From there we constructed a pictograph narrative of his life using pop culture to create his life story.

By the end of the school week, about forty-three students had created their picture stories from as few as ten stories (this would be the fourth grade) to as many as sixteen (tenth grade).

For the younger students, grades K-3, we constructed parfleche envelopes. Parfleche, in the Plains Indian tradition, is basically anything constructed out of rawhide, from boxes and cylinder cases to envelopes, to protect personal belongings or even food. At the end of the week, about twenty students had constructed their own parfleche envelopes.

During breaks I played chess, soccer, and ping-pong with students, and though I couldn’t speak Icelandic, many spoke English, and for those who didn’t, we had fun playing common games and laughed in our efforts at play.



After hours, my guide Thelma, took me to see Gulfoss, a roaring waterfall that drops into wild rapids. I saw Geyser, a privately owned and managed national Icelandic landmark. Beautiful. Lastly, I saw Þingvellir, where the Norsemen gathered annually to recount their laws. It’s also where Iceland is divided between the North American and European continent. There’s a stream of water several feet deep, that flows above the fault line, there passersby throughout the centuries offered coins to the elves, and many still do, in fact, my guide gave me a few coins to leave an offering.

Iceland is divided here atÞingvellir. On the right is the European continent, and on the left is North America. Coins from passersby lie aglitter beneath the icy water.

My visit to Iceland concluded. I left on a cloudy cool spring morning. Thelma drove me to Reykjavik. She bought me a Malt Extract, a non-alcoholic beverage that tasted something between a carbonated soft drink and a beer. I don't drink, I've a had a few long ago, but I tried this and I suggest that if one were to drink anything there on one's visit, one must have one of these.

I got airborne on Saturday afternoon. Security was really talkative when they discovered I was native. I saw Iceland from the window, then from the sky, and then just the ocean.

Repairing A Tipi

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A view of Kitson through a tear in a tipi on display in the North Dakota Heritage Center. Kitson mended the tear using traditional methods.
Repairing A Lodge
Standing Rock Woman Fixes Tipi
By Dakota Wind
BISMARCK, N.D. – The North Dakota Heritage Center has opened two of its galleries this spring to thousands of visitors from locals to visitors from overseas. The galleries hum and echo with the conversation of hundreds of visitors in an hour. Students in summer school ask questions and look at exhibits with quiet determination if they’re working on an on-site activity.

The Early Peoples gallery features a strong language component in its exhibit design. Part of this design are two displays that receive the most attention: the cyclorama of Yellow Earth Village, which is a huge panoramic painting of a what is known by locals as “Double Ditch,” and a full-size genuine brain-tanned bison hide thipȟéstola (a thípi, or tipi). Visitors, especially young ones want to enter the lodge as soon as they lay eyes upon it.

The thípi was made in 1990 for the State Historical Society of North Dakota (SHSND) by Larry Belitz, an enrolled member of the Oglála Lakȟóta on the Pine Ridge Sioux Indian Reservation in South Dakota. The SHSND at one time shone big lamps within the lodge to give it a beautiful glow, but the glow dried it out according to Mr. Mark Halverson, Curator of Collections and Research, “The lamps served only to dry the hide,” which has made it as brittle as paper.

A view of the lodge looking up from the inside. 

Because of its brittle condition, and its popularity with the crowd, the thípi began to tear in a few places. Despite closing the thípi off to visitors and displaying signage discouraging visitors to not touch the display, the lodge developed a tear along a seam, possibly due to young visitors who can’t read, or by foreign visitors unable to read English, or by belligerent excited visitors who can’t keep their paws off the lodge. In any event, it took only one tear.

Repair work on the tear was inevitable. The tear grew daily before it could be mended and it drew attention like bears to honey. Each swipe tore at the seam, until a gaping hole developed. It was awful to see.

Enter: D. Joyce Kitson.

Kitson prepares a patch and welts using brain-tanned bison hide, and bison sinew.

Kitson is an enrolled member of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe. Her traditional Lakȟóta name is Pȟehíŋ Šá Wiŋ (Red Hair Woman), a name carried by her grandmother Matilda Vaulters-Good Iron. Kitson is a master quillworker with works at the National Museum of The American Indian, the North Dakota Heritage Center, and various collections, private and public, here in state and abroad. She also practices the traditional methods of brain-tanning hides, and collecting natural earth pigments.

Kitson is quick to acknowledge who she learned the traditional crafts from. She learned how to tan bison hides from her maternal uŋčí (grandmother) Alice Wears Horns-Vaulters, and uŋčí Zona Lones Arrow. Kitson learned two quillwork methods, one using bird quills in which the feather shaft has been stripped, and the other method involving porcupine quills. Quillwork, Kitson learned from Naomi Black Hawk, Mary Elk, and Alice Blue Legs-New Holy.

Kitson offers formal classes through Sitting Bull College about tanning and smoking hides. She also works through the North Dakota Council on The Arts too, and apprentices two to three learners each year. Her apprentices not only learn how to quill and/or tan, but she requires them to create personal objects for themselves such as awl and quill cases.

Kitson carefully places the patch and welt. The welt will help to preserve the seam where she joins the patch.

“I’m a lifelong learner, as much as I’m a teacher,” says Kitson. She recalled her first teaching experience when she was just sixteen years old at the Fargo-Moorhead Native American Center. Kitson had forty students who she taught the tanning tradition. She is also a mother of five, and taught her children as well.

I don’t press her for details but Kitson acknowledges that she lived a hard life, and enthusiastically professes her faith in God. She freely goes back and forth between reverently calling God “God” and the Lakȟóta address of “Wakȟáŋ Tȟáŋka." She sees both as one and the same.

Her faith permeates her crafts. “The work shouldn’t be laborious,” she says between drawing sinew through her mouth and fingers, “It should be an honor to work on these hides.” According to Kitson it takes six to eight hours to tan a hide depending upon how big the hide is and whether or not she has assistance.

After prepared the sinew and placing the welt and patch, Kitson begins a whip stitch.

Kitson lives a clean life, “To honor my ancestors, to honor the Authority,” she says. She believes whole-heartedly that if one honors one’s ancestors and the Creator that one, in turn, will be honored and blessed. Right now, Kitson shares, we must honor our youth.

As Kitson works on the thipȟéstola I ask her if she has any stories, “lore” one might say, associated with it. She believes that Wakȟáŋ Tȟáŋka sends her dreams and visions, sometimes regarding people she should pray for, sometimes a pattern to create with quillwork.

Then Kitson revisited my thipȟéstola query and said, “A thípi is a spiritual covering. It is spiritual protection.” She then shared that once she was walking up Mathó Pahá (Bear Butte), the sky serving as lodge in this story, when she was gifted with a vision about the butte as a pregnant woman about to give birth. The trees and animals upon it signified the birth of the Seventh Generation, and that all the life born thereafter would be gifted with dreams.

Almost done with the patch. Upon assessment of the lodge, there will need to be two more patches, one on the back and another on the top of the entry.

In a related story about the lodge, Kitson shared, her mother had a dream a long time ago about being within a thipȟéstola. “The sky opened up like a book,” she said, “and water poured down.” Her iná (mother) dashed within the lodge and attempted to close the thiyópa (the thípi door) with a safety pin to keep the waters out. Her iná prayed about this dream and received the revelation that the water was the Holy Spirit, and that the people were not yet ready for the Word.

Kitson finished patching the thipȟéstola. The hide visibly delicate in various places, the SHSND can anticipate future repair work on it as long as the lodge is on display and within reach of the general public’s paws.

Kitson shared one more thing as she repaired the lodge, “I would like to create one.”

The Killdeer Mountain Conflict

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A painting of the Killdeer Mountain Conflict of 1864 by Carl Boeckman. 
General Sully’s 1864 Punitive Campaign
Conflicts In Dakota Territory
By Dakota Wind
KILLDEER, N.D.– “Four Horns was shot in the Killdeer Battle between Sioux and General Sully’s troops…some time after the fight, his daughter cut out the lead bullet,” One Bull said to Colonel Alfred Welch on hot July day in 1934 at Little Eagle, S.D. “The report [that] the soldiers killed hundreds of Indian dogs is untrue,” said One Bull, “because Indian dogs, half wild creatures, would follow the Indians or run away long before soldiers would come up within range.[i]

The Killdeer Mountain conflict occurred on July 28, 1864. Sully was under orders to punish the Sioux in another campaign following the September, 1863 massacre of Dakȟóta and Lakȟóta peoples at Pa ÍpuzA Napé Wakpána (Dry Bone Hill Creek), Whitestone Hill.[ii]

The Lakȟóta and Dakȟóta knew Killdeer Mountain as Taȟčá Wakútepi (Where They Hunt/Kill Deer), Killdeer. The hunting there was good and dependable, and the people came there regularly, not just to hunt but to pray as well. The plateau rises above the prairie steppe allowing for a fantastic view of the landscape, and open sky for those who came to pray.

A hand-tinted photo of Matȟó Watȟákpe by Frank Fiske.

Matȟó Watȟákpe (Charging Bear; John Grass), led the Sihásapa (Black Sole Moccasin; Blackfeet Lakȟóta) on the defensive at Killdeer. The Sihásapa had nothing to do with the 1862 Minnesota Dakota Conflict. “In this surprise attack the Indians lost everything… soldiers destroyed tons of food, etc.,” Matȟó Watȟákpe told Welch, and added that great suffering followed the fight and hatred against the whites grew.[iii] 

The Lakȟóta and Dakȟóta saw General Sully’s approach from miles away, his march put a great cloud of dust into the sky. Sully formed his command in to a large one mile square, and under his command was a detachment of Winnebago U.S. Indian Scouts, traditional enemies of the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ (Seven Council Fires; Great Sioux Nation). A war party of thirty warriors had tussled with the Winnebago two days before Sully’s arrival.

In Robert Larson's take on the Killdeer Mountain conflict, the Teton are overconfident and Inkpaduta was the chief who organized the defense against Sully. 

Historian Robert Larson describes July 28, 1864, nearly perfectly, “…Sully’s five mile march to reach the large Sioux village was a tense and uncomfortable one. Even though it was morning, the day would be hot and dry; the tense summer heat had already thinned the grass and muddied the water holes. On every hill along the valley at the south end of the village were clusters of mounted warriors.”[iv]

The Dakȟóta under ĺŋkpaduta (Scarlet Point) had been engaged with soldiers since the Minnesota Dakota Conflict of 1862. They had fled west towards Spirit Lake when General Sully and his command caught up to them at Big Mound. The Huŋkphápȟa Lakȟóta under Phizí (Gall) had crossed the Mníšoše (Missouri River) in search of game; the heat and drought had driven game from the traditional their hunting grounds. Sibley’s arrival and pursuit of the Dakȟóta and Lakȟóta towards the Mníšoše marked the first U.S. martial contact against the Huŋkphápȟa.

Tačháŋȟpi Lúta pictured here in his B.I.A. police uniform. "Sitting Bull was my friend," he said, "I was under orders...I killed him..." 

Tačháŋȟpi Lúta (Red Tomahawk), infamously known for his part in Sitting Bull’s death years later, recalled the Sibley Campaign, “There was a shallow lake south of the hills and about where Dawson now stands. That was fine buffalo country. The buffalo would get into this lake and mire down so they could not get out. We went there that time to drive them into the lake and get meat and hides. While we were there the Santees came along.”

Tačháŋȟpi Lúta then referred to the ĺsaŋyathi (Santee) as “hostile,” but that the Huŋkphápȟa camped with them and joined together in the hunt. He doesn’t detail how the fight began at Big Mound, only that Sibley pursued them to the Mníšoše. The warriors held the attention of the soldiers, which allowed the Lakȟóta two days to cross the river. The ĺsaŋyathi under ĺŋkpaduta and Wakhéye Ská (White Lodge) broke off and turned north.

ĺŋkpaduta pictured here. After the Little Bighorn fight he went into exile in Canada and died there in 1881. 

After the escape at Apple Creek, ĺŋkpaduta and Wakhéye Ská moved their camps in an arc, first northerly, then back east and south, and kept a respectable distance between the Isáŋyathi and Sibley’s retreat. Then the Isáŋyathi journeyed to Pa ÍpuzA Napé Wakpána to make camp and hunt with the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna the following month. Sully found the camp and slaughtered as many as 200 and took over 150 captives, mostly women and children in both cases.

After the Dakȟóta split from the Lakȟóta, “we went to cross the river. We were not afraid,” explained Tačháŋȟpi Lúta, “We did not lose any of our people when we crossed.”[v] He admitted to being a part of the party who waited the night through and then attacked and killed two soldiers.

Here's a reconstruction of the Apple Creek conflict. The map comes from a survey of the Missouri River in the 1890s. 

The late Delma Helman, a Huŋkphápȟa elder from Standing Rock, recalled the story of the Mníšoše crossing, “The soldiers chased us into the river. We cut reeds to breathe underwater and held onto stones to keep submerged until nightfall.” After the vesper of sunset, they emerged from the river safely onto Burnt Boat Island (later called Sibley Island).[vi]

The Sibley campaign was the Huŋkphápȟa’s first encounter with U.S. soldiers, Sully’s assault at Killdeer was the second. Sitting Bull’s own pictographic record testifies to his own portrayal, not as a warrior but as a medicine man, counting coup and stealing a mule from Sibley’s wagon train in July, 1863.[vii]

Sitting Bull pictographed his part in the Big Mound conflict in which he stole a mule from Sully and counted coup on one of the men. 

Historian Robert Utley estimates that there were perhaps as many as 1400 lodges at Taȟčá Wakútepi. It was a sizable village consisting of Huŋkphápȟa, Sihásapa, Mnikȟówožu, Itázipčho, Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna, and Isáŋyathi. Utley paints the Lakȟóta and Dakȟóta in overconfident tones: “they did not order the lodges packed,” explains Utley, “nor did they order the village moved, “The women, children, and old men, in fact, gathered on a high hill to watch.”[viii]

But the camp was moved. At least the Lakȟótas’ was, from the west side of Taȟčá Wakútepi to the southeast side, below Medicine Hole the day before Sully’s arrival,[ix] in a movement which placed a fresh water creek between them and the approaching soldiers. The Lakȟóta had learned the previous summer that water slowed or stopped the soldiers’ advance.

"Tȟatȟáŋka ĺyotake," says Ernie LaPointe of Sitting Bull, "that's his name." 

Ernie LaPointe, Tȟatȟáŋka ĺyotake’s (Sitting Bull’s) direct lineal descendant, a great-grandson of the Huŋkphápȟa leader, offers this retrospective, “If it had been possible, Tȟatȟáŋka ĺyotake might have accepted peace terms that simply allowed his people and him to continue to live their traditional lifestyle.” As it was, Sully’s assault left one hundred Lakȟóta dead,[x]though Sully’s reports have the count closer to 150.

A map of the Killdeer conflict as it unfolded, courtesy of the State Historical Society of North Dakota.

The Lakȟóta camp had moved in a position which faced Sully’s left flank; ĺŋkpaduta’s camp faced Sully’s right. A hunting party, possibly a war party though all the men were as much prepared to fight as to hunt, skirmished with Sully’s Winnebago scouts earlier that day. Sully’s command, five miles away, approached Taȟčá Wakútepi for a showdown.

When the soldiers got closer, a lone Lakȟóta warrior, Šúŋka Waŋžíla (Lone Dog), decided to test the fighting resolve of the soldiers and boldly rode his horse within range of fire. The soldiers fired three times at him. Tȟatȟáŋka Ská (White Bull) believed that Šúŋka Waŋžíla lived a wakȟáŋ life, charmed some would say in English. Šúŋka Waŋžíla, explained Tȟatȟáŋka Ská, “…was with a ghost and it was hard to shoot him.”[xi]

A map of the 1864 Sully campaign in Dakota Territory.

Lt. Col. John Pattee, under Sully’s command that day, said of Šúŋka Waŋžíla riding, waving, and whooping at the soldiers, that an aide from Sully approached him, “The General sends his compliments and wishes you to kill that Indian for God’s sake.” Pattee ordered three sharpshooters to bring down Šúŋka Waŋžíla. One shot, according to Pattee, sent Šúŋka Waŋžíla from his horse, though Sully claimed the warrior fell from his horse.[xii]

According to Šúŋka Waŋžíla’s own pictographic record, he was riding, armed with bow and arrows, carrying black shields as much for practical protection as for spiritual protection, and received one wound.[xiii]

The fighting continued north for the five miles it took for Sully’s command to reach the encampments. For those five miles, the Lakȟóta held the soldiers’ attention, at times in brutal hand to hand combat. The Lakȟóta managed to outflank Sully’s men, which threatened the wagons and horses, so Sully ordered artillery to open fire. When the fight approached the encampments, the women hastened to break and flee. Frances “Fanny” Kelly, a captive of the Lakȟóta said that as soon as soldiers were sighted, the women withdrew into the hills, woods, and ravines, around Taȟčá Wakútepi, for protection[xiv].

Taȟčá Wakútepi (Killdeer Mountain), a view from the south looking north.

On the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna and Isáŋyathi side of the conflict, the fight for the Dakȟóta became a stubborn retreat back to the encampments at the base of Taȟčá Wakútepi. There the soldiers broke into heavy fire into the Dakȟóta protectors until they finally broke. White Bull told Stanley Vestal (Walter Campbell) that the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna and Isáŋyathi were as strangers to the Lakȟóta, and that they lost thirty when their line of defense broke.[xv]

In a dialog with Mr. Timothy Hunts In Winter, there was a woman, an ancestor of his, Ohítika Wiŋ (Brave Woman) who fought at Killdeer. “She was only 14 on the day of the Killdeer fight but she fought along side her até (father). Her até was killed that day in battle,” explained Hunts In Winter, “she was named Ohítika Wiŋ because she was a woman warrior.”[xvi]

The Lakȟóta and Dakȟóta encampment lay on the other side of this coulee (the treeline in the middle ground). The Lakȟóta camp moved here from the southwest side of the plateau.

From the Lakȟóta camp there came a singer escorting a man known as The-Man-Who-Never-Walked, a cripple since birth. His limbs were twisted and shrunken and in all his forty winters, he had never once hunted nor fought. When the soldiers came to the camp, The-Man-Who-Never-Walked knew that this was his one chance to fight. He was loaded onto a travois and a creamy white horse pulled the drag. The singer led him to where Tȟatȟáŋka ĺyotake was watching the fight.

When the singer finished his song, he called out, “This man has been a cripple all his life. He has never gone to war. Now he asks to be put into this fight.” Tȟatȟáŋka ĺyotake replied, “That is perfectly all right. Let him die in battle if he wants to.” White Bull later said of Tȟatȟáŋka ĺyotake, “Sitting Bull’s heart was full that day. He was proud of his nation. Even the helpless were eager to do battle in defense of their people.”[xvii]The horse was whipped and drove The-Man-Who-Never-Walked straight into a line of soldiers, who shot the horse then him. They called him Čhaŋte Matȟó (Bear’s Heart) after that because of his great courage.

A closer look at the south-facing slope of Taȟčá Wakútepi, below Medicine Hole. They would have ascended the plateau going around the landmark and over. 

Íŋkpaduta engaged in a counter-attack on Sully’s right flank to stall his approach and lost twenty-seven warriors in hand to hand fighting. The Isáŋyathi broke just as Sully’s artillery began to fire upon the encampment.

Women and children who hadn’t retreated into the hills and ravines west of Taȟčá Wakútepi were suddenly in the fight. The women gathered what they could before abandoning camp, and young boys shepherded the horses to safety. “Children cried, the dogs were under everybody’s feet, mules balked, and pack horses took fright at the shell-fire or snorted at the drifting smoke behind them,” according to Frances Kelly.[xviii]

The Badlands west of Taȟčá Wakútepi. Thousands of places to hide and rendezvous on top of generations of intimate familiarity with the land helped the Lakȟóta remain elusive.

The Lakȟóta and Dakȟóta turned west into the Badlands, and there evaded capture.

The smoke cleared and over a hundred Lakȟóta and Dakȟóta lay dead. Sully ordered troops to destroy everything left behind. Lodges, blankets, and food were burned. Dogs were shot. Children inadvertently left behind in the confusion were chased down by the Winnebago scouts and killed.
________________________
GLOSSARY:
Čhaŋte Matȟó: Bear’s Heart (The-Man-Who-Never-Walked), a forty-year-old disabled Lakȟóta man who fought his first and last fight at Taȟčá Wakútepi

Huŋkphápȟa: also known as “Hunkpapa,” one of the seven Thítȟuŋwaŋ tribes

Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna: Little End Village (Yanktonai), one of the seven tribes that make up the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ

ĺŋkpaduta: Scarlet Point, war chief of the Waȟpékhute band of the Isáŋyathi

Isáŋyathi: the general name of the four eastern tribes (Sisíthuŋwaŋ, Waȟpéthuŋwaŋ, Waȟpékhute, and Bdewákhaŋthuŋwaŋ), their language is Dakȟóta

Matȟó Watȟákpe: Charging Bear (John Grass), a war chief of the Sihásapa, one of the seven Thítȟuŋwaŋ tribes

Mníšoše: Water-Astir (Missouri River)

Očhéthi Šakówiŋ: Seven Council Fires (The Great Sioux Nation), the confederation is made up of the Thítȟuŋwaŋ, Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna, Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋ, Sisíthuŋwaŋ, Waȟpéthuŋwaŋ, Waȟpékhute, and Bdewákhaŋthuŋwaŋ

Ohítika Wiŋ: Brave Woman, she fought at Killdeer Mountain alongside her father when she was fourteen years old

Pa ÍpuzA Napé Wakpána: Dry Bone Hill Creek (Whitestone Hill Creek)

Phizí: Gall, a war chief of the Huŋkphápȟa (Hunkpapa), one of the seven Thítȟuŋwaŋ tribes

Sihásapa: Black Sole Moccasins (Blackfeet) one of the seven Thítȟuŋwaŋ tribes

Šúŋka Waŋžíla: Dog Only-One (Lone Dog), a Huŋkphápȟa warrior and a Waníyetu Wowápi (Winter Count) keeper

Tačháŋȟpi Lúta: Red Tomahawk , a Huŋkphápȟa warrior known more for being a Bureau of Indian Affairs police officer and his role in the death of Sitting Bull.

Taȟčá Wakútepi: Where They Kill Deer (Killdeer Mountain)

Tȟatȟáŋka ĺyotake: Sitting Bull, a great leader of the Huŋkphápȟa

Tȟatȟáŋka Ská: White Bull, nephew of Sitting Bull, and a famous warrior

Thítȟuŋwaŋ: Dwellers On The Plains (Teton), the Thítȟuŋwaŋ is made up of the Huŋkphápȟa, Sihásapa, Mnikȟówožu, Itázipčho, Oglála, Oóhenuŋpa, and Sičháŋǧu, their language is Lakȟóta

Wakȟáŋ: With-Energy, often translated as “Holy” or “Sacred”

Wakhéye Ská: White Lodge, a chief of the Sisíthuŋwaŋ
________________________
ENDNOTES: 

[i] In an interview conducted by Colonel Alfred Welch with One Bull, July 14, 1934.
[ii] From Mr. Corbin Shoots The Enemy, September 2013.
[iii]Welch, A. B., Welch Dakota Papers (welchdakotapapers.com).
[iv] Larson, R., Gall: Lakota War Chief (University of Oklahoma Press, 2007), 45.
[v] Welch, A. B., Welch Dakota Papers (welchdakotapapers.com).
[vi]Interview with Delma Helman, July 2013.
[vii] Vestal, S. (Campbell, W.), Sitting Bull: Champion Of The Sioux (University of Oklahoma Press, 1957).
[viii] Utley, R., The Lance And The Shield: The Life And Times Of Sitting Bull (Henry Holt And Company, 1993), 55.
[ix] White Bull, box 105, notebook 24, pp. 1-6, Walter S. Campbell Collection, University of Oklahoma Library, Norman, OK.
[x] LaPointe, E.,Sitting Bull: His Life And Legacy (Gibbs Smith, 2009), p. 49.
[xi] White Bull, box 105, notebook 24, pp. 1-6, Walter S. Campbell Collection, University of Oklahoma Library, Norman, OK.
[xii] Pattee, J., Dakota Campaigns (South Dakota Historical Collections 5, 1910), 308.
[xiii]Hé Núŋpa WaníčA (No Two Horns), thípi with pictographic records, July 7, 1915.
[xiv] Kelly, F., Narrative Of My Captivity Among The Sioux (Mutual Publishing Company, 1871), pp. 274-278.
[xv]White Bull, box 105, notebook 24, pp. 1-6, Walter S. Campbell Collection, University of Oklahoma Library, Norman, OK.
[xvi] From Mr. Tim Hunts In The Winter, March, 2014.
[xvii] Vestal, S., Sitting Bull: Champion Of The Sioux (University of Oklahoma Press,1932), p53-54; White Bull, box 105, notebook 24, pp. 1-6, Walter S. Campbell Collection, University of Oklahoma Library, Norman, OK.
[xviii]Vestal, S., New Sources Of Indian History (Gayley Press, 2008), p. 56.

Theodore Roosevelt's Two Wives Of The Badlands

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Roosevelt, pictured here in 1884. 
Theodore Roosevelt's Native Wives
Left Behind To Pursue Politics
By Dakota Wind
BADLANDS, N.D. - On November 6, 1934, an Arikara named Sand Hill Crane (a former US Scout too) gave an interview to Colonel Alfred Welch about Theodore Roosevelt and his two native wives. Here's what he said:


“Yes, I know about Roosevelt and the Gros Ventre [Hidatsa] woman he took. He got her. That was the way we did it then. He gave some horses for her. Her name was Brown Head. She was Hidatsa. She’s dead now," said Sand Hill Crane. After Roosevelt left Brown Head, she became the wife of Foolish Woman, a member of the Hidatsa and Sand Hill Crane's cousin, but shortly after their marriage, Brown Head died. 

Then Sand Hill Crane went on to explain, “He got another one. Her name was See The Woman. She was one-half French and one-half Hidatsa. She’s alive yet up at Shell Creek. Yes, I knew him well. He was all right. When he went away he gave the women some horses and things." After Roosevelt's convalescent stay in the Badlands, he returned to the east and entered the political arena. Of Roosevelt's relationship with the two women, Sand Hill Crane shared this, "
So he went away. Then he became a big man. We never said anything about these women to anyone. That’s the way the white men did then in the country."

Roosevelt believed that the American Indians had no claim to the land, and had no desire to hold property. It is evident too, that he didn't think his marriages to Brown Head and See The Woman were valid either, as he left them behind when he sufficiently recovered from the loss of his wife, Alice Lee Roosevelt, and his mother, Mittie Roosevelt. 

Impact Of Killdeer Mountain Battle Felt 150 Years Later

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Killdeer Mountain at sunset. Photo by Dakota Wind.
'Overlooked' History: Killdeer Mountain 
Battle Felt 150 years Later
By Nadya Faulx, for The Dickinson Press
KILLDEER, N.D. - Monday marks 150 years since the battle at Killdeer Mountain, an event that shaped North Dakota in ways felt more than a century later.

As one of the western-most Civil War-era battles, the Killdeer Mountain Battle was “a turning point in Dakota history,” said writer Jennifer Strange, co-coordinator of a commemoration event beginning at 9 a.m. Saturday at the Dunn County Historical Society and Museum, where she also sits on the board.

But for many outside of the state — even inside the state — the conflict between the U.S. military and a gathering of Teton, Yanktonai and Dakota Indians doesn’t carry the same weight as other Civil War-era battles like Gettysburg or Antietam.

“It’s not much taught about, or, for that matter, discussed,” said Tom Isern, a North Dakota State University professor of history. “Here within North Dakota, there’s just a little postage stamp of a historic site. Hardly anybody goes there.

“It’s a very much neglected and overlooked chapter in history,” he said.

Some state historians say they hope that by commemorating the events of 1864, it will bring renewed attention to their impact on the state, particularly on Native American communities.

“It’s a good time to reflect on this,” said Diane Rogness, historic sites manager with the State Historical Society of North Dakota.

The impact of the two-day battle in 1864 cannot be understated, she added.

“It’s very significant,” she said. “It changed the way of life for the Sioux and for the settlement of Dakota territory. It changed the world. It changed history.”


The Killdeer Mountain conflict as portrayed by C.L. Boeckmann.
Remembering The Battle
She and several others — including United Tribes Technical College instructor of Native Studies Dakota Good House and Standing Rock Sioux tribal historian Ladonna Brave Bull Allard — will speak at the Dunn County museum Saturday on a panel discussing the significance of the battle, which saw General Alfred Sully and 2,200 troops launch an attack on an estimated 1,600 Indians who had gathered at the sacred site of Killdeer Mountain.

Anywhere from 31 to 100 Indians were killed in the conflict, depending on whose historical account you read, as well as two U.S. soldiers. Troops targeted women, children and other non-combatants, even returning to burn down lodges and buffalo meat, and shoot abandoned dogs and horses, according to historians.

The bloody assault was and is regarded as a punitive campaign for the Dakota War of 1862, in which Sully and General Henry Sibley sent forces in to quell an uprising of Dakota Indians in Minnesota angered over late payments from the U.S. for their land. Sully and his men either didn’t know or didn’t care that most of the Indian tribes at Killdeer Mountain two years later had no involvement with the Dakota War, historians said.

Though Killdeer Mountain was theoretically punishment for the hostilities in Minnesota, it was beyond any provocation that took place in Minnesota, Isern said.

“This was about the fate of North Dakota territory,” he said.

Somewhat indirectly, the Battle of Killdeer Mountain opened the door for western railroad expansion, pushed many Native Americans onto reservations, and effectively shaped North Dakota 25 years before the territory was even a state.


Killdeer Mountain from the south side looking north. Photo by Dakota Wind.
A New Focus For An Old Battlefield
Historians and educators have put a renewed focus on Killdeer Mountain in recent years, both because of the lead up to the 150th anniversary of the battle, and because of the encroachment of the energy industry on the now-private land on which the battle took place.

New information is being discovered all the time, mostly in the form of U.S. military correspondence and documents, said Isern, but the American Indian perspective is often left out of the story.

More than a century later, the Native narrative that has been passed down orally for two generations or more is starting to help shape modern understanding of the conflict.

Good House said he has been meeting with tribal elders — many whose grandparents witnessed the conflict — who have continued to share the story of Killdeer Mountain with their own children and grandchildren.

“The most important thing is that we’re talking about it and we remember it so another generation or two don’t go by and we forget about it,” he said.

The State Historical Society of North Dakota could, in the future, update their North Dakota studies curriculum to included the American Indian perspective of not only Killdeer Mountain, but of other conflicts across the prairie between the U.S. military and Native Americans, he said.

Though the Civil War-era battles “did nothing but shape anti-American sentiment” among Native American tribes, by continuing to share the story in oral tradition, “I feel like there’s a burden that’s lifted,” Good House said.

“When we talk about history or significant sites or conflicts where terrible things happened, we need to remember those things happened,” he said. “But those things didn’t happen to us today or yesterday or just last year.”

Strange said the goal of Saturday’s event — featuring storytelling, a bison roast and a writing workshop — is to be “inclusive, educational and respectful of all cultures.”

The spiritual significance of Killdeer Mountain, where for years separate bands of Sioux Indians would gather, often for coming-of-age vision quests for young males, lends an added element to the battle that took place there.

A narrative is still taking shape of what happened at Killdeer Mountain 150 years ago, and what it means for North Dakota today.

“In some ways it’s not as climactic, I don’t think, as some have made it out to be,” Isern said, “but in other ways, it’s more so.

“I think it still remains to be placed in full context,” he said.

Re Appropriating Lakota History

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The High Dog Winter Count, as seen at the ND Heritage Center.
Lakȟóta History Remembered
Re-Appropriation Must Be Thoughtful Process
By Dakota Wind
BISMARCK, N.D. – The first pictograph on the High Dog Winter Count, carefully drawn a hundred years ago by a hand that still practiced the old style form, meaning that it wasn’t drawn with the detail of post-Catlin/Bodmer pictography nor the finesse of ledgergraph art, begins in the top left corner of a cotton banner, which is followed by more pictographs intentionally wound in a spiral from the outside in.

The story of the first pictograph is, “Wiyáka tȟotȟó uŋ akíčilowaŋpi,” meaning “They sang praises using very blue feathers.” The pictograph recalls a time when the Huŋkphápȟa honored demonstrations of leadership and good character with a gift of blue jay feathers. Women were honored with a blue cloud stone, a blue pendant worn upon their forehead.

High Dog kept the intertwined histories of the Huŋkphápȟa and Iháŋktȟuwaŋna peoples on a winter count painted on cotton. He resided on the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation when the reservation era began,

Waníyetu Wówapi kiŋ, the winter count, is a pictographic memory device that records a tribe’s history. Once a year, each tribe, band, or family would gather and determine how best to remember the year. One outstanding event was chosen, and the year was named, then the winter count keeper would render the year in pictograph. At various times throughout the year, he (and even women too) would display the winter count at various gatherings or events and share the history of the people. Sometimes when a new guest arrived, the occasion inspired the keeper to share the history of that tribe, band, or family.

The pre-reservation winter counts were executed on brain-tanned bison robes in circular patterns from the inside-out. Reservation era winter counts were executed on buckskin or canvas – as bison were nearly obliterated from Makȟóčhe Wašté, “This Beautiful Country,” as the Lakȟóta knew it – in patterns which clearly indicated an irrevocable change to a beautiful way of life.

“‘This Beautiful Country,’ as the Lakȟóta knew it…”

The winter count was named after the keeper and when he went on his journey, the winter count went with him. Sometimes someone was appointed to keep the winter count tradition, sometimes it was handed down to a son, grandson, nephew, or other promising individual. Some women picked up the tradition, as men went off to war – some never to return, were sent off to boarding school, or succumbed to addiction as a means to cope with a changed world.  

The unique relationship each Thíthuŋwaŋ tribe, band, or family has with their landscape, their homeland is reflected in their winter counts. This is information that cannot be discounted.

The Lakȟóta year wasn’t set in stone. Some Thíthuŋwaŋ reckoned the year from first snow fall to first snowfall, others from last snow to last snow, and even one that determined the year from high summer to high summer. The year was based on a lunar calendar which lasted thirteen months. Each moon was named for the natural history in that cycle (ex. Maǧákšiča Aglí Wi, or “Moon When The Geese Return;” Čhaŋpȟásapa Wi, or “Moon Of Ripe Chokecherries”).

Some Thíthuŋwaŋ tribes, bands, and families even refer to the winter count variously as either “Waníyetu Wówapi,” (i.e. Huŋkphápȟa) or “Waníyetu Iyáwapi” (Oglála).

This information becomes vital when interpreting the winter count, as various Lakȟóta calendar years overlapped. The Blue Thunder Winter Count (Iháŋkthuŋwaŋna) entry for circa 1833 is actually 1833-34 (spring 1833 to spring 1834), and is remembered as “wičháȟpi hiŋȟpáya,” or “the year the stars fell.” The High Dog Winter Count (Huŋkphápȟa) entry for circa 1833 is actually 1832-33 (fall 1832 to fall 1833), and is remembered as “wičháȟpi okhíčamna,” or “the stars moved all around.”

“…‘wičháȟpi hiŋȟpáya,’ or ‘the year the stars fell.’”


A well-meaning moderator on a community page of a social media website a few weeks ago had shared a few entries of the Šuŋká Wakáŋtuya Waníyetu Wówapi, the Dog Raised Up In High Regard Winter Count (the “High Dog Winter Count), removed the tribal affiliation from this piece of history, replaced an attribution of the work, on one of the entries, from “Maȟpíya Kiŋyáŋ” (Flying Cloud from Standing Rock) to “Sam Kills Two” (aka “Beads, Sičáŋǧu; keeper of the Big Missouri Winter Count). The interpreters of the High Dog Winter Count was Rev. Aaron Beede, an Episcopal missionary on Standing Rock and Flying Cloud (Sihásapa/Iháŋktȟuwaŋna).

One might see how the digital scribe in question may have mistook “Beede” for “Beads,” and amended the information as he understood it. This very assumption, however, only adds to the misrepresentation of the information. What comes off is an amended copy and paste job with good intentions. This new interpretation, however, removes the Huŋkphápha from a landscape that is theirs, and rewrites Sičáŋǧu history into a landscape and history that isn’t Sičáŋǧu.

The winter count tradition was recorded by paternalistic anthropologists as an art form, disregarding the historical perspective and cultural understanding, throughout the reservation era. Many winter count keepers quit recording “the time of nothing” or died, and the tradition faded to a handful. In the latter half of the twentieth century, a few historians and anthropologists rediscovered the winter count and began to recognize that these traditional works have a valuable contribution to the history of the west.

It is a sad state when there are probably more non-native people today who know more about the winter count tradition than there are native people who do.

“The lineage of information is as important as the information itself.”

One of the traditional norms of the Great Plains Indians knowing where or from whom the traditional stories come. The lineage of information is as important as the information itself. Just telling a story, someone may ask, “Where did you hear that one?” or “Who told you that?” The attribution of the story is always acknowledged. At the end of sharing a story from one of the winter count entries, the keeper would conclude by saying, “Keúŋkiyapi,” “They said that.”

There is a need to tell our own stories, from our own sources, and they should be shared at every opportunity in our communities. It is also important to make the distinction from which nation, tribe, band, and family, because that distinction is why our first nations (even those of the same affiliation) are different from one another.

The last pictograph on the High Dog Winter Count concludes with the arrival of a comet seen in the sky above the vast prairie steppe. It reads, “Wičáȟpi waŋ ilé ú kiŋ,” meaning, “A burning star came this way.” There were six comets visible to the naked eye that year, but only one meant something special to the Huŋkphápȟa and Iháŋktȟuwaŋna peoples on Standing Rock.


The High Dog Winter Count, 1798

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The High Dog Winter Count on display at the North Dakota Heritage Center.
The High Dog Winter Count
History Of The Great Plains
By Dakota Wind
Bismarck, ND– The High Dog Winter Count, a pictographic history of the Huŋkphápȟa Lakȟóta people is on display at the North Dakota Heritage Center. It reaches back to the year 1798 and concludes in 1912. Šúŋka Waŋkátuya (Lit. Dog On-High), or High Dog, kept a winter count, a pictographic mnemonic device in which each year was remembered with one image and a “name.” Years, or winters, were never numbered.

When the year was named, a collective of elders, leaders, and medicine people would gather together to determine what to call the year, sometimes in the spring when the new year began, or sometimes in the fall or over the winter.

The first entry of the High Dog Winter Count.

High Dog’s winter count echoes content within other winter counts, such as Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, Swift Dog, and Jaw, among others, but it has distinct entries all its own. The first entry of High Dog’s winter count features an image of one man with a “fan” of four very blue feathers fanning or presenting the feathers to another man. Here follows the entry:

Wiyáka tȟotȟó uŋ akíčilowaŋpi (Lit. Feathers blue-blue to-use-something singing-praise-they). They sang praises using very blue feathers.

It was agreed to among the people that any one of the tribe who was seen wearing the blue feathers should be an example to others in virtue and goodness, and should be esteemed by all as a guardian of the "nation." Four men at that time were set apart with the blue feathers.

The feathers that are depicted on High Dog's entry resemble the tail feathers of the Ziŋtkátȟo Glegléğa (lit. “Bird-blue striped-very"), commonly known as the Blue Jay. In particular, this rendering resembles the beautifully blue Stellar’s Jay tail feathers. 


The Lakȟóta say that when the Ziŋtkátȟo Glegléğa returns, cold rains follow. Steller's Jay photo by U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service

By an old ceremony men were set apart as “Atéyapi” (Fathers) and women as "Ináyapi" (mothers). By this ceremony these people were chosen as leaders in the tribe, and their admonitions were heeded.

Sometimes a small child was raised to this class because of a portent at his or her birth that indicated his or her superior wisdom. Grown persons were raised to this class on account of some distinguished service to the tribe, as well as for manifest wisdom and foresight in affairs. Those raised to this class while they were babes are said to have been generally the most satisfactory administrators of justice. Such children received careful training both from those previously raised to this class and also from their grandmothers.

They were taught to admonish with discretion and with gentleness, to honor and respect each and every one of every age and themselves; to be kind to dogs and all animals. If one of this class proved unworthy, one was not deposed, but from that time on, or until one had purged oneself of old offenses and adopted better manners one had small influence in the council-meetings, yet the people still respected him or her.

At that time, men were gifted with blue feathers to designate their worthiness; women were gifted with blue glass pendants they wore proudly upon their forehead, though this practice has long since faded. 


The Blue Cloud Stone as sketched by Col. A. Welch

Kȟaŋpéska Imánipi Wiŋ (Walking On The Shell Woman), the wife of Matȟó Watȟákpe (Charging Bear; John Grass), was among the last Lakȟóta women to have possessed one of what they called Maȟpíya Tȟó, or a Blue Cloud Stone. The stone was actually a flat blue polished piece of glass, possibly volcanic, which was melted and poured into a sand or clay mold. The stone was made by a woman of virtue, and only one was made in a year.

When it was worn, the woman was held in high esteem by all as good and honorable, a role model for all women

The Medicine Bear Winter Count

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The Medicine Bear Winter Count is a part of the Native American, Plains Indian, collection at the Hood Museum of Art, Dartmouth College, Hanover, NH; Purchased through the William S. Rubin Fund, the Guernsey Center Moore 1904 Memorial Fund, the William B. and Evelyn F. Jaffe (58, 60, & 63) Fund, the William B. and Evelyn A. Jaffe Hall Fund.
Waníyetu Wowápi Tȟá Matȟó Wakȟáŋ
The Winter Count Of Medicine Bear

By Dakota Wind
HANOVER, NH - A new era quietly began in the 1880's for Medicine Bear's band of Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna (Yanktonai) on the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation. The traditional homeland of the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna lies between the Mníšoše (Water-Astir; Missouri River) and Čaŋsáŋsaŋ Wakpá (White Birch River; James River), and south of Mní Wakȟáŋ (Water With-Energy; Spirit Lake) on the Northern Great Plains.

The vast herds of the great providers, tȟatȟáŋka (bison), were diminished to a few scattered ganges struggling for survival in Yellowstone country. The Očhéthi Šakówiŋ (The Seven Council Fires; Great Sioux Nation) turned to trading for canvas to make their lodges. Cloth replaced the great bison robe too, in their winter counts.

Medicine Bear was an itáŋčaŋ, one of four principle chiefs, of the Pȟabáksa (Cut-Head) division of the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna. He was forty years old when the reservation era, the time of nothing, began. By then he kept a winter count, a history of his band of Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna, rendered in his own hand, on muslin cloth. 


The waníyetu wowápi, winter count, is a pictographic record, a mnemonic device, in which each image represents a year with a story of the people. It is not a calendar, not in the sense that you can look ahead and see the next year, but to look back at previous years for as long as the winter count has been maintained.

In the spring, the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna gathered and a council of leaders, medicine people, and elders would talk about the previous winter or winter. Major events were put forward to remember that year and tie all other stories of that year to that one outstanding event. It was brought out on occasion to share with other bands and tribes, the history of the years was shared communally.

The Medicine Bear Winter Count entered into private hands in the early reservation period. Nearly a hundred years later, the winter count became part of the Native American collection at The Hood Museum of Art at the suggestion of Mr. Joseph Horse Capture. In 2015, Ms. Singer Horse Capture ('17, Dartmouth College), an intern at The Hood began research on the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

Ms. Horse Capture offered this descriptive summary to accompany the winter count: The Great Sioux Nation,” or Očhéthi Šakówiŋ, which means “Seven Council Fires” are a large group of indigenous peoples who lived in the western Great Lakes Woodlands region and Great Plains of what is known today as North America.

[The] Očhéthi Šakówiŋ has seven tribes spanning this geographic area, each of which have several bands and speak languages that fall under the “Siouan” language family, which is why these various groups are all often mistakenly referred to by the homogenous name “Sioux.” This name derives from a mis-transcription by the French of the word the Ojibwe (a Great Lakes Woodlands tribe) used to refer to them.

One of these Seven Council Fires call themselves Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna, which means “Little End Village,” but they are most commonly known as the Yanktonai [,a French corruption of Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna]. Historically the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna lived between the Missouri River and the James River, and in Josephine Waggoner’s book “Witness” she states there are thirteen bands of Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna. These thirteen groups were split among three different reservations in the late 1800’s, Standing Rock (Wičhíyena), Fort Peck (Wačhíŋča Oyáte), and Crow Creek (Húŋkpathi). This winter count is from Medicine Bear’s band. They were confined to the Standing Rock Reservation and refer to themselves as Wičhíyena and speak Dakȟóta.

The Medicine Bear Winter Count has been correlated with the Blue Thunder Winter Count (Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna),the High Dog Winter Count (variously listed as Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna and Huŋkphápȟa), both at the State Historical Society of North Dakota, the Chandler-Pohrt Winter Count at the Detroit Institute of Arts in Detroit, MI, and the John K. Bear Winter Count (Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna). Mr. Mike Cowdrey, a cultural expert, had also rendered a nearly complete interpretation of the Medicine Bear Winter Count. The Lakota Language Consortium standard has been used to write the text of each entry in Dakȟóta.

Here follows the Medicine Bear Winter Count:



Entries 1 through 10 of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.


1823 (1): Wahúwapa šéča ȟápi waníyetu kiŋ (Ears-of-corn dried bury-they winter the). That winter they cached parched ears of corn.

1824 (2): Ȟaȟátȟuŋwaŋ ób kičhízapi. Čhaŋkáškapi yuȟdéčapi ([Water] Fall-dwellers with fight-they. Fence-fortification to-tear-apart-they). They fought with the Chippewa. They tore their palisades to pieces.

1825 (3): Mní wičhát’E (Water many-dead). Dead bodies in the water.

1826 (4): Tȟaspáŋna Wakpána éd waníthipi (Apple-[Little] Creek at winter-camp). They made winter camp at Apple Creek.

1827 (5): Wičháakiȟ’aŋ na wičháša čheȟpí yútA, Isáŋyathi (Starvation and people flesh to-eat-something, Santee). In their desperate hunger, the Santee ate their own.

1828 (6): Wakáŋkadaŋ ób kičhízapi (Thunder-beings with fight-they). They fought with the Thunder Beings.

1829 (7): Makhú Šá čhaŋkáğa thípi káğA Hiŋháŋ Wakpá éd (Breast-bone Red trimmed-logs lodge to-build Owl River at). Red Breast built a cabin on Owl River (Moreau River).

1830 (8): Pȟadáni ób kičhízapi kiŋ (Arikara with fight-they the). They fought with the Arikara.

1831 (9): Nuŋpá kičhíkte (Two killed-each-other). Two men killed each other.

1832 (10): Thí tȟáŋka obléča káğapi (Lodge big square-sides built-they). They built a large cabin.



Entries 11-20 of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

1833 (11): Wičháȟpi hiŋȟpáya (Star-Nation to-fall-down). The stars fell down.

1834 (12): Matȟó kičhí waníthipi, Čhaŋté Wakpá éd (Bear with winter-camp, Heart River at). They made winter camp with a bear, at Heart River.

1835 (13): Wičhíyena óta wičhákasotapi waníyetu (Wičhíyena many massacre-they winter). Many Upper Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna (Yanktonai) were massacred that winter.

1836 (14): Tȟatȟáŋka Iŋyáŋke tȟóka kte na thi akdí kiŋ (Bison-[Bull] Running enemy kill and camp return the). Running Bull killed an enemy and returned to camp.

1837 (15): Wičháȟaŋȟaŋ tȟaŋká (Smallpox big). There was an epidemic of smallpox.

1838 (16): Wičháȟaŋȟaŋ aktá (Smallpox again). Another epidemic of smallpox.

1839 (17): Pté sáŋ ktépi (Bison-[Cow] creamy-white kill-they). They killed a female white bison.

1840 (18): Tȟámina Wé Padáni ob kičhize waktékdi (His-Knife Blood Arikara with fight return-in-victory). His Bloody Knife returned in victory from a fight against the Arikara.

1841 (19): Itáŋčhaŋ ktépi (Leader kill-they). They killed a chief.

1842 (20): Tȟatȟáŋka Oyé Wakȟáŋ t’Á. Wakhéya kdézena uŋ wičháknakapi. (Bison-Bull Tracks With-Energy died. Lodge striped using above-the-ground [buried]-they). Holy Buffalo Tracks dies. They laid him to rest in a striped thípi.


Entries 21-30 of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

1843 (21): Čhaŋčéğa Yuhá ečíyapi ptehíko (Drum Has called-by-name-them bison-to-attract). Drum Owner called the bison.

1844 (22): Wíŋyaŋ onákte (woman prairie-fire-killed). A woman died in a prairie fire.

1845 (23): Huŋkádowaŋpi (Singing-over-a-relative-they). They sang over someone in ceremony and made a relative.

1846 (24): Šuŋg’híŋzi áwičakdipi (Horse-teeth-yellow captured-return-they). They brought back horses with yellow teeth.

1847 (25): Wašíču nuŋpá kičhí waníthi (Takes-The-Fat two with winter-camp). Two white traders camped with them that winter.

1848 (26): Kičhí ktépi (Each-other killed-they). They killed each other.

1849 (27): WatȟókhiyopȟeyA čhúŋkaške éd waníthipi (To-Trade fort at winter-camp). They wintered at a trading post.

1850 (28): Wópȟetȟuŋ waŋ Wičhíyena ópi. Matȟó Núŋpa thíŋktes’a t’eyÁ (Trader a Wičhíyena wound. Bear Two murderer-would-be caused-to-die). An Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna wounds a trader. Two Bear puts the would-be murderer to death.

1851 (29): Heȟáka šá kútepi (Elk red hunted-they). They hunted a red elk.

1852 (30): Matȟó Wašté ečíyapi ptehíko (Bear Good called-them-by-name bison-to-attract). Good Bear called the bison.


Entries 31-35 of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

1853 (31): Hé Tópa uŋ waŋ ktépi (Horn/s Four wearing a killed-they). They killed a man wearing a headdress with four horns.

1854 (32): Waníyetu kičhízapi (Winter fight-they). They had a fight that winter.

1855 (33): Phuthíŋ Ská wawáhoye kiŋ (Beard White to-order-things the). White Beard [General William Harney] gave the order.

1856 (34): Wapȟáha waŋ yuk’ézapi (Warbonnet in-particular to-shear-off-they). In a fight, he sheared a war-bonnet off [the enemy’s head].

1857 (35): Tȟatȟáŋka Ináži wiŋyáŋ áwičakdi (Bison-[Bull] Standing woman captured-returned-with). Standing Bull brought back a captive woman.


Entries 36-45 of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

1858 (36): Waŋbdí Hoȟpí t’Á (Eagle Nest died). Eagle Nest died.

1859 (37): Wókapȟaŋ paŋȟya (Meat-block/pemmican very-much). Much pemmican.

1860 (38): Šuŋkawakȟaŋ óta áwičakdipi (Horses many captured-returned-with). They returned with many captured horses.

1861 (39): Hitȟúŋkasaŋ Dúta šuŋkawakȟaŋ óta áwičakdi aktá (Weasel Red horses many captured-returned-with again). Red Weasel returned with many captured horses.

1862 (40): Kȟaŋğí tópa ktépi (Crow four killed-they). They killed four Crow.

1863 (41): Akíčhita Pȟá Tȟáŋka kaškápi. Kdí na t’Á (Soldier/s Head Big imprisoned. Return and die). Soldiers imprisoned Big Head. He returned and died.

1864 (42): Wíŋyaŋ nuŋpá ktépi (Woman two killed-they). They killed two women.

1865 (43): Pȟatkâša Pȟá čhapȟÁ t’ekíyA (Jugular-vein-scarlet Head [Western Painted Turtle] stab to-cause-one’s-own-death). Turtle Head was stabbed to death.

1866 (44): Wóoyake Wičháša ktépi (Story Man killed-they). They killed Storyteller.

1867 (45): Waníyetu osní (Winter cold). It was a cold dark winter.


Entries 46 through 50 of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

1868 (46): Itázipčho akézaptaŋ t’Á (Without-Bows fifteen died). Fifteen members of the Itázipčho (Sans Arc) died.

1869 (47): Kȟaŋğí wičháša wikčémna yámni wičháktepi (Crow men ten three men-killed-they). They fought and killed thirty Crow men.

1870 (48): Tȟatȟáŋka Witkó t’Á (Bison-Bull Crazy died). Crazy Bull died.

1871 (49): Witkówiŋ nuŋpá ktépi (Crazy-women two killed-they). They killed two prostitutes.

1872 (50): Wakhéya Šáya t’Á (Lodge Red-Painted died). Red Painted Lodge died.


Entries 51 through 58 of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

1873 (51): Šuŋkawakȟaŋ nuŋpá áwičakdipi (Horses two captured-returned-with). They returned with two captured horses.

1874 (52): Wičháša zaptáŋ ahí ktépi (Men five came-here killed-they). They killed five of them.

1875 (53): Tȟóka nuŋwaŋki napá (enemy swim-home escape). The enemy escaped by swimming home.

1876 (54): Heȟáka t’Á (Elk died). Elk died.

1877 (55): Waníyetu snižé (Winter withering). A withering year. Šuŋk’akaŋyaŋkapi akíčhita tȟašúŋkawakȟaŋpi oyás’iŋ waíč’iyápi (Horse-riding-they soldiers horses-belonging-to-them all-of-a-kind to-take-things-they). The cavalry took all their horses.

1878 (56): Tȟašúŋke Máza ktépi (Horse Iron killed-they). They killed Iron Horse.

1879 (57): Wapȟáha Sápa šuŋkawakȟaŋ óta áwičakdi (Warbonnet Black horse many captured-returned-with). Black Warbonnet led a successful horse raid.

1880 (58): Phizí thí (Gall lodge). Gall lodge. Rev. Aaron Beede notes that this year soldiers had fired into Gall’s camp on the Tongue River.


Entries 59-61 of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

1881 (59): Wakíŋyaŋ Nuŋpá ktépi (Thunder Two killed-they). They killed Two Thunder.

1882 (60): Kȟaŋğí wičháša yámni hípi (Crow men three came-they). Three Crow men came to them.

1883 (61): Matȟó Wakȟáŋ t’Á (Bear With-Energy died). Holy Bear died.


Entries 62-69 of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

1884 (62): Makȟá k’apí (Earth dug-they). They dug earth.

1885 (63): Waȟúŋ Nap’íŋ t’Á (Burning Necklace died). Burning Necklace died.

1886 (64): Wakȟáŋpahomni ktépi (With-Energy-Turns killed-they). They killed Turns Holy.

1887 (65): Maȟpíya Hétoŋ mníwani kté (Cloud Horn Turning kill). Turning Horn Cloud was killed.

1888 (66): Išúŋmanuŋ t’Á (Fails-To-Steal died). Does Not Steal died.

1889 (67): Šuŋkawakȟaŋ waŋ kiíyaŋkdi t’Á (Horse a race-horse died). A race horse died.

1890 (68): Tȟatȟáŋka Íyotake ktépi (Bison-Bull Sitting-Down killed they). They killed Sitting Bull.

1891 (69): Matȟó Napé t’Á (Bear Hand died). Bear Hand died.


Entries 70-71 of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

1892 (70): Waŋbdí Tȟaŋka t’Á (Eagle Big died). Big Eagle died.

1893 (71): Šúŋkawakȟaŋ khí mázaska wikčémna tópa otóiyohi (Horse take-away iron-white ten four each-and-every-one). $40.00 for each horse taken away. Pté wakpámni (Cow a-distribution-of). Cattle were issued.


Entries 72-81 of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

1894 (72): Isáŋyathi hokšína waŋ katáiyeičiya (Santee boy shot-himself). A Santee boy shot himself.

1895 (73): Waŋbdí Dúta t’Á (Red Eagle died). Red Eagle died.

1896 (74): Mázawakȟaŋ nakȟí’ȟma akdí (Iron-With-Energy To-Conceal-One’s-Own return). He hid his gun upon his return.

1897 (75): Čhaŋtéya t’Á (His-Heart died). His Heart died.

1898 (76): Šuŋká Haŋská t’Á (Dog Long died). Long Dog died.

1899 (77): Iŋyáŋšana t’Á (Stone-Red-[familiar-diminutive] died). Little Red Stone died.

1900 (78): Iyá Taníyaŋ Wiŋ t’Á (Voice Visible Woman died). Visible Voice Woman died.

1901 (79): Ičhápsite Máza t’Á (Whip Iron died). Iron Whip died.

1902 (80): Sihá Wó’heyuŋ waŋ tȟawíŋ ičhíu kté (Foot Bundle a his-wife with kill). Bundle Foot and his wife were killed.

1903 (81): Wamánuŋ šičá waŋ ktépi (To-steal-things bad a kill-they). They killed a thief.



Entries 82-83 of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

1904 (82): Wapȟáha Sápa t’Á (Warbonnet Black died). Black Warbonnet died.

1905 (83): Háŋpa Zí atéyapi (Moccasin Yellow for-whom-they-have-for-a-father). They have Yellow Moccasins for their agent.


Entries 84-93 of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

1906 (84): Čhetáŋ Wakhúwa t’Á (Hawk To-Hunt/Chase died). Chasing Hawk died.

1907 (85): Waŋbdí Wakȟáŋ katáiyeičiya (Eagle With-Energy shot-himself). Holy Eagle shot himself.

1908 (86): Sisíthuŋwaŋ mázaska kičhúpi (Sisseton iron-white [silver] to-restore-something-to-someone-them). The Sisseton Dakota received a payment due to them.

1909 (87): IyÁ Kičhúŋnipi t’Á (To-Speak To-Desist-Something-They died). They Stopped Talking died.

1910 (88): Tȟáŋka Sitómniyaŋ Dúta t’Á (Big All-Over-In-Every-Direction Red died). Big Red All Over died.

1911 (89): Wakȟáŋheža našlípi (Children measles-they). Measles struck the children.

1912 (90): ThikhíyA núŋpa (Houses two). Two houses.

1913 (91): ThikhíyA ilé (House to-burn). A house burned.

1914 (92): Wašíču núŋpa (White-men two). Two white men.

1915 (93): Šá Ič’íya t’Á (Red To-[Paint]-One’s-Self died). Paints Himself Red died.


Entries 94 & 95 of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

1916 (94): Wíyaka Wašténa t’Á (Feather Beautiful died). Beautiful Feather died.

1917 (95): Matȟó Ókde t’Á (Bear Shirt/Coat died). Bear Coat died.

The High Dog Winter Count

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The High Dog Winter Count can be seen at the North Dakota Heritage Center. Image courtesy of the SHSND.
Waníyetu Wówapi Šúŋka Waŋkátuya Kiŋ
The High Dog Winter Count
By Dakota Wind
BISMARCK, N.D. - Šúŋka Waŋkátuya (Dog On-High), or High Dog, was a member of the Huŋkphápȟa Lakȟóta people. He is also variously listed as Iháŋkthuŋwaŋna (Yanktonai) Dakȟóta people. His winter count recalls events of both the Huŋkphápȟa and Iháŋkthuŋwaŋna peoples.


High Dog's winter count as presented here includes Rev. Aaron Beede's original transcription for each entry, which has been re-rendered using the Lakota Language Consortium's standard orthgraphy, followed by additional information and commentary. Beede purchased the High Dog Winter Count in 1912 from High Dog for $8.00. Adjusting for inflation, $8.00 in 1912 is equivalent to $200 in 2015. 

1798:  Wiya ka tota an apicilo wapi.
Wiyáka tȟotȟó uŋ akíčilowaŋpi (Lit. Feathers blue-blue to-use-something singing-praise-they). They sang praises using very blue feathers.

           It was agreed to among the people that any one of the tribe who was seen wearing the blue feathers should be an example to others in virtue and goodness, and should be esteemed by all as a guardian of the "nation." Four men at that time were set apart with the blue feathers.

           By an old ceremony men were set apart as “Atéyapi” (Fathers) and women as "Ináyapi" (mothers). By this ceremony these people were chosen as leaders in the tribe, and their admonitions were heeded.

           Sometimes a small child was raised to this class because of a portent at his or her birth that indicated his or her superior wisdom. Grown persons were raised to this class on account of some distinguished service to the tribe, as well as for manifest wisdom and foresight in affairs. Those raised to this class while they were babes are said to have been generally the most satisfactory administrators of justice. Such children received careful training both from those previously raised to this class and also from their grandmothers.

           They were taught to admonish with discretion and with gentleness, to honor and respect each and every one of every age and themselves; to be kind to dogs and all animals. If one of this class proved unworthy, one was not deposed, but from that time on, or until one had purged oneself of old offenses and adopted better manners one had small influence in the council-meetings, yet the people still respected him or her.

           As men were gifted with blue feathers to designate their worthiness, women were gifted with blue glass pendants they wore proudly upon their forehead, though this practice has long since faded.

Kȟaŋpéska Imánipi Wiŋ (Walking On The Shell Woman), a wife of Matȟó Watȟákpe (Charging Bear; John Grass), was among the last Lakȟóta women to have possessed one of what they called Maȟpíya Tȟó, or a Blue Cloud Stone. The stone was actually a flat blue polished piece of glass, possibly volcanic, which was melted and poured into a sand or clay mold. The stone was made by a woman of virtue, and only one was given a year. When it was worn, the woman was held in high esteem by all as good and honorable, a role model for all women.[1]

1799:  Iaske wasicu tako mako el  hi.
Čhaské wašíču tokhíya makȟó el hi (First-born-son takes-the-fat therefore country there came). A white man [they knew as] Čhaské came to their country.

A white man they called Čhaské came to live permanently among them for the sole purpose of trade. Previously, traders had come and gone after a short stay.

The Lakȟóta people have birth order names they call their children by, though the tradition of doing so is rarely practiced today.

Birth Order                  Male                            Female
First                             Čhaské                        Witȟókapȟa/Winúŋna
Second                        Hepȟáŋ                       Hapȟáŋ
Third                            Hepí                            Hepíštana
Fourth                          Čhatáŋ                        Waŋská
Fifth                             Hakéla[2]                     Wiháke
Sixth                            Hakáta                        Hakáta
Seventh                       Čhekpá                       Čhekpá[3]

The fifth born son is called Haké or Hakéla, which is sometimes used to address the last born son. The seventh born son/daughter is called Čhekpá (Navel).

Howard suggests an additional translation to this year’s entry: Iyéska wašíču tokhíya makȟó el hi (Clear-talker takes-the-fat therefore country there came), or, “A white translator came to their country.”[4]

1800:  Capo ati wan miniyawe yapi.
Čhápa otí waŋ mníyawe yápi (Beaver dwelling there water-drawing go-they). [It was so cold] they drew water from beaver holes [in the ice].

           This was an exceptionally dry summer. Tȟatíye Tópa (the Four Winds) drank up the streams.  Women lay in distress in their lodges on account of the heat. They believed Wí (the Sun) was angry with the people over an unexplained misdeed, and so withered the grass and foliage.

The birds went to the great rivers far away, and sat in the thicket mum. The flowers were all gone. The buffalo went away. A harsh winter followed, and it was so cold that the water was sometimes drawn from beaver holes.

1801:  Tahi an akicilo wapi.
Theȟí uŋ akíčilowanpi (Difficult-times of sang-with-each-other-they). They sang together during a difficult period.

           At this meeting the horsetail was adopted as an insignia, or badge, for a “leader.” The horse had become important to the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ (Seven Council Fires; Great Sioux Nation) though only a portion of them had horses as yet. The horse was regarded as a sacred animal.

1802:  Sir gugu lo awicakilipi.
Šúŋg’ğuğú ló, áwičaglipi (Horse-curly-hair declarative, returned-with-they). They returned with curly-haired horses.

           The Huŋkphápȟa, while at war with the Crow, took some curly-haired horses from them. This battle occurred southeast of Ȟesápa (the Black Hills). A favorite hunting and camping spot located in this locale is Pté Tȟathíyopa (Buffalo Gap, SD).[5]

A first encounter of the horse can be found in the Drifting Goose Winter Count, an Iháŋkthuŋwaŋna record. In this account, 1692 is remembered as “Šuŋgnúŋi óta kiŋ,” or the year they saw many wild horses.[6]

The American Horse Winter Count recalls a conflict at this time involving the Oglála, Sičáŋğu, Mnikȟówožu, Itázipčho, and Šahíyela (Cheyenne) in a united campaign against the Kȟaŋğí (the Crow).[7]

The earliest account of a horse stealing raid can be found in the Brown Hat Winter Count (Oglála), in which 1708 is recalled as the year they stole horses from the Omaha.[8]

1803:  Saki mazo awicakilipi.
Šaké máza áwičaglipi (Hoof iron returned-with-they). They returned with iron-shod horses.

           The Huŋkphápȟa captured some shod horses from the Crow, and concluded that the Crow were somehow in alliance with white men. This was the first time they had seen shoes on horses, though they were aware white men’s horses wore them, and some horses of the white men were trained to strike an enemy with these iron implements.

1804:  Kangi wicasa 8 wicaktipi.
Kȟaŋği wičáša šaglóğan wičháktepi (Crow man/men eight killed-they). A Crow war-party came and killed eight of them.

           Eight Lakȟóta were killed by the Crow in a running battle. This occurred near Ȟesápa. Ȟesápa was contested territory between the Crow, Shoshone, the Cheyenne, Arapaho, Kiowa, and the Thítȟuŋwaŋ (Teton). Though the native people may have contested over Ȟesápa, but the hills were sacred to all.

1805:  Nam wicakogipapi.
Núm wičhá kȟokípȟapi (Two men were-afraid-of-they). Two men [Crow] attacked the Lakȟóta camp.

The battle was long and well fought. The Crow had ridden double on a horse, which proved to put them at a terrible disadvantage; the Lakȟóta won out.

Kevin Locke (Standing Rock) phrases the concept for riding double upon a horse as “Núm akáŋ yaŋkápi.”[9]

1806:  Akile luto an wan kitipi.
Ógle Lúta uŋ waŋ ktépi (Shirt Red a the killed-they). They killed a man wearing a red shirt.

           In a battle with the Crow, a Huŋkphápȟa leader called Red Shirt was slain. He was considered very brave because at one point in the fight he had bravely recovered the body of a fallen Lakȟóta warrior.

1807:  Fu we yo wan ktepi.
Tuŋwéya waŋ ktépi (Scout the killed-they). They killed a scout.

           A Huŋkphápȟa leader, whom they called Scout, was killed by the Crow.

           The Lakȟóta scout/s were carefully selected for either the hunt or for war. They should have the essential qualities of courage, having a good sense or wariness, truthfulness and having a good sense of the landscape. No more than two are sent in the same direction. By the latter half of the nineteenth century, scouts carried with them a small mirror and a field glass. Upon sight of his thiyóšpaye (a division of a tribe; extended family) he flashed his mirror if sunlight permitted, or howled like a wolf. If there were no immediate danger (i.e. enemy) the scout told his story in four parts to the Itȟáŋčhaŋ (leader; headman) or blotáhuŋka (war-party leader). If the threat were immediate, the scout quickly shared his intelligence.

           The Plains Indian sign for scout is the same for wolf: hold the right hand, palm out, near one’s right shoulder, first and second fingers extended, remaining fingers and thumb closed, followed by a movement of this hand forward and slightly upward.[10]

1808:  Pahato i wan ktepi.
Paháta í waŋ ktépi (To-the-hill on-account-of certain killed-they). They killed a man who went to the hill [to scout].

           The Huŋkphápȟa sent a scout to find where the buffalo were as they were nearly out of meat. The Crow killed him.

1809:  Taka suki ku woahiyu wega.
Tȟáŋka šúŋg’ičú wóečhuŋ wéhaŋ (Big horse-take event last-spring). [They had] a big horse-stealing raid last spring.

           The Huŋkphápȟa crossed the Mníšoše (Water-Astir; Missouri River) and captured a large number of stray horses on the east bank. This gave them a better supply of horses than they ever had before. They say this crossing was made at a place a few days travel north of present-day Pierre, S.D. Perhaps this location is Šiná Tȟó Wakpána (Blue Blanket Creek), near present-day Mobridge, S.D.

1810:  Wicogogotaka.
Wičáȟȟaŋ tȟáŋka (Smallpox big). Epidemic of smallpox.

           Smallpox struck them in winter causing a great loss of life.

           The earliest pictographic record of their encounter with smallpox is seen in the 1735-1736 winter of the Brown Hat Winter Count which is remembered as “Used them up with belly ache winter.” In this account, about fifty people died from an eruptive disease which also caused pain in the bowels. The pictograph depicts eruptions on a single figure indicating sores on the body and pain in the stomach.[11]

1811:  Capa cigalo ti ile.
Čhápa Čík’ala thí ilé (Beaver Little lodge on-fire). Little Beaver’s cabin caught fire.

            A white man came to live with them. He built a small log house. He was a small man and was inclined to stay in his house a good deal, so they named him Little Beaver. The Brown Hat Winter Count says that this man was an English trader.[12]

1812:  8 ahi wicaktipi.
Šaglóğaŋ ahí wičátkepi (eight came killed-they). They came and killed eight.

           The Huŋkphápȟa were camping along the east side of Ȟesápa. The Crow attacked them and were driven back, however they killed eight Lakȟóta. The Huŋkphápȟa beat and killed one Crow who was left behind in the fight. According to Swift Dog, the Crow war party consisted of ten warriors of whom the Huŋkphápȟa killed eight.[13]

1813:  Mato cigalo ahikitipi kin.
Matȟó Čík’ala ahí ktépi (Bear Little came killed-they). [The enemy] came and killed Little Bear.

           The Lakȟóta fought with the Crow. Little Bear, a leader of the Huŋkphápȟa band of Lakȟóta, was killed.

Rev. Aaron Beede questioned the Thítȟuŋwaŋ to some great depth about the War of 1812 which was then being fought in Wisconsin and beyond. In fact, they had known of the war and had believed that all Indians should keep out of it entirely until “the Whitemen [sic] had eaten up each other." They hoped an opportunity would then open and then they would have seizes the chance to regain territory as far east and south as possible. To Beede’s surprise, he discovered that this was discussed in great detail among the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ.[14]

           As many as 700 Isáŋyathi (Santee; Eastern Sioux or Dakota) and Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna (Yanktonai) joined the English under the British Indian Trade Agent Col. Robert Dickson, whose wife was a Waȟpéthuŋwaŋ Dakȟóta named Ištá Tȟó Wiŋ (Blue Eyes Woman).

           Dickson’s father-in-law was Wakíŋyaŋ Lúta (Red Thunder); his brother-in-law was Waná’átA (The Charger; Waneta). Waná’átA actively recruited among the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ and pursued conflict against the encroaching Americans. He rallied the English and Dakȟóta alike at Battle of Sandusky in Ohio, which was where he received the name Waná’átA, after he survived being shot nine times. He later met King George IV and President Van Buren.[15]

1814:  Wito Pahato an wan ko gugapi.
Wítáya pȟeȟáŋ tȟó úŋ waŋ kaȟúğapi (Gathered-together Head Blue use by-means-of smashed-into-they). At a gathering they [he] split the skull of Blue Head [a Crow].

           An enemy, whose forehead was painted blue, came to the Lakȟóta camp on pretense of visiting a friend or relative among them. He was slain by a strike in the head with a buffalo bone. This same year is recorded in the Brown Hat Winter Count as “Smashed a Kiowa’s head in winter,” and depicts a tomahawk on top of a Kiowa’s head.[16]Lone Dog, an Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna, says that this was an Arapaho whose head was cleft.[17]

           James Howard transcribed the Lakȟóta text as: Wítapaha tȟó úŋ waŋ kaȟúğapi (Lit. Kiowa blue wearing a they-clubbed-him-on-the-skull), which translates freely as, “They smashed a blue-wearing Kiowa’s head.”[18]The Lakȟóta word for Kiowa (also “Osage” according to Rev. Buechel) is: Wítapahatu.[19]

The pictograph High Dog rendered clearly depicts a Crow with a blue forehead.

1815:  Wamanu wan cehupa wawegopi.
Wamánuŋ waŋ čhehúpa wayúȟlokApi (Thief in-the-act-of jaw bored they). They bored the jaw of a thief.

           A Lakȟóta stole a horse from another Lakȟóta, and was punished by having his jaw bored with an awl so that the mark would always be a visible brand upon him. They say this was the first theft ever known committed by a Lakȟóta against another Lakȟóta. The thief got the idea after hearing about a powerful white man on the frontier who would steal horses from other white men.

1816:  Nampa wakte akili.
Núŋpa wakté aglí (Two to-have-done-killing-in-battle return [in-triumph]). A warrior returned victorious from battle with two war honors.

           According to Beede’s informants, this year marks an occasion in which the Lakȟóta were engaged in one particular battle against the Crow. The Lakȟóta war-party is said to have used hoops with horsetails affixed to them which they used to signal one another. Beede suggests that the Lakȟóta were badly beaten in this conflict and that a new interpretation of this year’s story was given to the next generation to cover up this loss.

           The waktégli is still remembered and practiced on Standing Rock today. In particular, this event is held to commemorate the Little Bighorn fight, as much to celebrate the last great victory against invading US military as to remember the price of that victory. Beede’s conjecture that the Lakȟóta were badly beaten is not true. An interpretation of the text and imagery suggests that a war party went and fought against the Crow, only one returned, but he returned victorious against the Crow, and recounted the sacrifices of his fellows against the enemy. The sole survivor of the war party returned with only his two war honors, scalps affixed to hoops (not horse tails).

           Perhaps Beede’s informants chose only to give the barest information about the waktégli, which left an open interpretation of the event for Beede.

1817:  Hico ti taka awakicago.
Héčhe, thí tȟáŋka awákičağa (In-that-way, lodge big to-make-things-on-behalf-of-someone). In the traditional manner, [they] held a memorial give-away which included the gift of a lodge.

           Buffalo Bull’s son died. His name was Buzz. Buzz’ pipe was kept and wrapped in a white bison skin for one year. When a year had passed, his family gave away his belongings.

           Beede’s informants, again, seemed reluctant to share little beyond the fact that Buzz’ soul was kept for a year and then released. A memorial celebration, a feed and a give-away, was held a year later. This practice, or rite, is still carried by many of the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ today.

1818:  Maka wablu wanitipi.
Makȟá woblú waníthipi (earth wind-blowing-fine-particles-of wintercamp). A dust storm struck their winter camp.

           There was a great windy dust storm which blew the winter camp to pieces. A dusty storm in winter would seem to indicate a dry winter with little or no snow. Howard’s narrative says that many people starved this winter.

1819:  Gasepih ian bulu an tekaga.
Čhozé čhaŋpúpuŋ uŋ thikáğa (Čhozé wood-rotten there to-build-a-house). Čhozé, a trapper/trader, built a cabin using rotten wood.

           Beede’s notes reveal little more, other than replacing “Čhozé” with “Joseph.” Other winter counts with Lakȟóta text refer to the trader’s name as “Čhozé.”

There were two Josephs at the time, both employed by the American Fur Company, who might be the Joseph remembered here: Joseph Neumanville (a clerk) on the Grand River, and Joseph Schindler (an assistant), also assigned to the Grand River. It could easily be another “Joseph” whom this entry could be referring.[20]

Garrick Mallery asserts that this trader was the French trader Joseph La Framboise.[21]

1820:  Wi ihablo iyawaci kin.
Wí iháŋbla iyé wačhí kiŋ (Sun dream that-one dance the). Someone dreamed about the sundance that time.

           Beede writes, “The Sioux in this summer celebrated for the first time in their history the sundance. They had known of it before, but had never used it.” Beede’s informants tell him that medicine men of great repute at that time had persuaded the Lakȟóta to use this sacred dance which would give them power to resist the threatened inroads of the white men, and so they adopted it as part of their customs.

Beede’s informants tell him that from that time on the medicine men replaced the Wósnakağápi (they who make sacrifices), the traditional priests.

It may be an indication of the times that Beede writes from, the Christianized and civilized post-reservation era, or that his informants didn’t wish to share the fact that there are different kinds of medicine men and women. Many of the traditional practices went quietly underground and stayed quiet because they were made illegal. It wasn’t until the American Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978 that traditional practices were allowed to be practiced in the open without legal consequence.

The earliest pictographic record of the sundance ceremony is remembered in the Drifting Goose Winter Count in 1713, but this does not mean that this is the first time they performed the ceremony.[22]

1821:  Wicagipi wan hatu hiyaye.
Wičáȟpi waŋ hotȟúŋ hiyáye (Star the cry-out-characteristically-of-a-species to-come-and-pass-by). A star cried out as it passed.

           Beede’s informants tell him that a star (he supposes that perhaps it could also have been a comet) fell while it was reverberating in the air. The location is unknown.

           The meteor likely never actually struck the ground. The sound was probably produced in the wake of its passage across the sky, and it burned up.

           The Drifting Goose Winter Count recalls a similar event in 1741, as a buzzing or humming heard throughout the land. James Howard suggests that the event was a diurnally occurring bolide (an exploding meteor), which, when entering the atmosphere, produces a sonic boom.[23]

           The Brown Hat Winter Count also demarcates this year’s event as “Star passed by with a loud noise winter,” and notes, too, that this is the first time that whiskey was furnished to them. Many died from excessive use of this hard liquor.[24]

1822:  Sunko wan a gi cuwita ta.
Šúŋka Wanáği čhuwíta t’A (Dog Spirit to-be-cold died). Spirit Dog froze to death.

           A leader named Ghost Dog went out hunting and froze to death. Frank Zahn (Standing Rock), one of Howard’s informants, added that Ghost Dog was the son of Makȟá Ȟóta (Gray Earth).[25]

1823:  Wahu wapaseco ir api.
Wahúwapa šéča ȟápi (Ear-of-corn dried to-bury-they). They cached parched ears of corn.

           The Lakȟóta went to war with the Crow, and some white men stole their corn while they were away. Beede’s informants tell him that the Húŋphapȟa had adopted the Miwátani (Mandan) practice of agriculture, meaning that they grew corn, squash, and beans.

           1823 also marks the first U.S. military campaign against a Plains Indian tribe, in this case, the Arikara. The Arikara had been killing white men, specifically men of the American Fur Company, after they received word of the death of one of their chiefs who was selected to go east to meet President Jefferson. He died out east, and when word of his death eventually came to the Arikara, they suspected treachery.[26]

Subsequently, Col. Leavenworth was dispatched up the Missouri River in a punitive campaign against the Arikara. About 700-750 of the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ fought under Leavenworth’s command in this Missouri Legion. At the end of the campaign, when the Arikara were utterly defeated and chased out of their villages, their fields of corn were seized by the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ for their use. Many other winter counts recall this fight with the Arikara.[27]

1824:  Pte wan sayapi.
Pté waŋ sayápi (Bison-cow creamy-white-painted-they). They painted a female bison horn creamy white [in ceremony].

           Beede’s informants tell him of a ceremony in which they anointed a buffalo horn with clay and hung it near the camp so as to make the buffalo come. The clay used was the same as that with which was applied to the breastbones of the scouts as they were about to go into the Little Bighorn fight.

1825:  Mini wicata.
Mní wičhat’Á (Water them-died). Many had died by drowning.

           They were camping on the bottomlands of the Mníšoše that spring when an unprecedented rise of water quickly drowned over one half of the people. They say that this happened on the east bank of the river, opposite of the mouth of the Cannonball River. The Dakȟóta call this place Étu Pȟá Šuŋg t’Á (Lit. Place Head Horse Dead; Dead Horse Head Point) because, following the flood, the shore was lined with dead horse heads. They had corralled their horses for the night and nearly all were drowned but for a few.

           Howard’s interpretation of this event mentions that over one-half of the people drowned.[28]

1826:  Magalo waktipili.
Mağála waktéglipi (Goose [familiar suffix] to-have-done-killing-in-battle-return-they). Little Goose [and his war party] returned from battle with war honors.

           Beede’s translation says that it was a man named “Corn Stalk,” a famous Lakȟóta chief who went to war against the Crow and returned with scalps. The Lakȟóta text clearly says “Little Goose,” and not “Corn Stalk.”

           High Dog, in fact, depicted a man with a name glyph of Corn Stalk. The figure is also depicted holding a scalp stick that is similar to other entries regarding the waktégli (the victorious return from battle, having killed the enemy).

1827:  Wasima Piso ahampi.
WašmÁ psóhaŋpi (Deep-snow snowshoes). The snow was so deep that they used snowshoes.

           Beede writes that this is the “first time they used snowshoes.” Howard concurs. Likely, this is the first time that Beede and Howard have seen the Lakȟóta reference snowshoes; the use of snowshoes was not unknown. They were hunting near Ȟesápa.

1828:  Mato Paha el wanitipi.
Matȟó Pahá él waníthipi (Bear Butte at winter-camp-they). They established winter camp at Bear Butte.

Ȟesápa, or the Black Hills, is the very heartland of the Lakȟóta people. 

1829:  Wata sakiyapi.
Watásakiyapi (Wa-tȟasáka-ya-pi). ([Bison] meat frozen going-there-they). They came across frozen bison meat.

           They came across a man, shot and frozen, on the prairie that winter. They referred to him as “Frozen On The Prairie.” Beede suspects that this man had an unsuccessful bison hunt, and as he lay dying in the cold, that he shot himself rather than succumb to a slow freezing death in the open. It is also possible that the man was shot by an enemy and left for dead.

           The Lakȟóta text clearly indicates that the Huŋkphápȟa came across frozen bison meat that winter. High Dog’s depiction indicates that a man was shot. There is no name glyph that accompanies the pictograph, nor is there anything to distinguish the dead man.

1830:  Kagi wicosa 8 wicaktipi.
Kȟaŋğí wičháša šaglóğaŋ wičháktepi (Crow men eight killed-they). In a fight with the Crow, they killed eight of them.

           Beede’s notes refer to this as a battle in which many were killed.

1831:  Istozi kaskapi.
Ištá Zí kaškápi (Eyes Yellow imprisoned-they). They imprisoned Yellow Eyes.
           
           The Dakȟóta referred to this particular white trader as Yellow Eyes. Beede refers to him as Trader Brown. This year Yellow Eyes shot and killed a Dakȟóta man who drove him to jealousy on account of the man’s indiscretion with Yellow Eyes’ wife. This was considered a just penalty for such an offense, however, such was seldom committed.

           Yellow Eyes is likely to be the Lakȟóta name for the trader Thomas Lestang Sarpy, aka Thomas Leston. Leston took a Sičáŋğu woman as his wife and had a son by her, his name too, was also Ištá Zí (Yellow Eyes).[29]

1832:  Fitopa ablecakogopi.
Thí tȟáŋka obléča káğapi (Lodge big square-sides built-they). They built a large cabin.

           It was the first time a log cabin was built by a Lakȟóta.

1833:  Wicogipi akicam ina.
Wičháȟpi okhíčamna (Star whirling-around). The stars moved all around.

           According to Beede, this year’s fantastic star fall caused great concern for all who witnessed it. Beede says the Lakȟóta feared that Wakȟáŋ Tȟáŋka (the Great Mystery) had lost control over creation.

           Rev. Buechell notes a star fall or meteor shower as Wičháȟpi Hiŋ ȞpáyA, or Stars In A Reclining Way.[30]

1834:  Wapaha he tu kogapi.
Wapȟáha hetȟúŋ káğapi (Warbonnet to-have-horns made-they). They made a warbonnet with horns.

           Some of Beede’s informants say that this was the first time they made what is called a shaved horn warbonnet. Beede elaborates that this type of headdress symbolized the “vain hope” to resist the destruction of their race.

           The shaved horn warbonnet, split horn warbonnet, or simply the horned warbonnet, utilized a horn which was split and carved down, or shaved, into two equal sized horns which were rubbed with red ochre and then applied to crown of the warbonnet on each side of the brow. This type of warbonnet also included a split trailer, or double trailer, which allowed for the ends to fall on either side of a horse’s rump when riding.

           Warbonnets, including the split horn warbonnet, would often include winter white ermine skins which signified bravery. The ermine was known to confront animals twice its size.

The horns imbued the strength of the bison into the warbonnet. It was also the custom of split horn warbonnet wearers to personalize their bonnet with items such as beaded turtle effigies (which contained their čhekpá, or navel), clusters of feathers or plumes on the crown, or abalone shell on the cape of the trailers. The bison tail might be sewn onto the skullcap of the bonnet.

The horned warbonnet was sometimes made with one single trailer. The interior of this single trailer was adorned with pictography of animals to lend their strength to the wearer, or pictography telling his life story.[31]High Dog’s pictograph depicts this horned warbonnet with one single trailer.

           The feathers were affixed to the trailers so that the top half were placed facing one direction and the bottom the opposite. Wearers of such warbonnets were usually society leaders. Sitting Bull wore such a headdress, which signified that he was the leader of the Midnight Strong Heart Society.[32]

           According to Swift Dog, the Huŋkphápȟa killed an enemy who wore a shaved horn headdress and they adopted its use for themselves.[33]

1835:  Wiciyelo wicakasatapi.
Wičhíyela wičhákasotapi (Upper-Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna massacre). The Upper Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna Dakȟóta experienced a massacre.

           Beede’s informants tell him that there was a fight amongst the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna Dakȟóta and many were killed, but he suspected that the fight was against white men and the whites were killed. The informants also say that some of the Dakȟóta were ready to yield, others were prepared to “kiss the gun” in defiance of the whites’ arrogance.

           The pictograph for this entry depicts a figure, behind which is a travois. Four of the dead are depicted by their heads alone above the travois, indicating that they brought their dead back this way.

1836:  Palani 6 wicakte pi.
Pȟaláni šákpe wičháktepi (Arikara six men-killed-they). They killed six Arikara.

           Beede’s notes say that they killed six “Crow,” despite the fact that the text he recorded clearly says it was Arikara. The pictograph for this year depicts Crow as opposed to Arikara who were killed. The text for this year should be “Kȟaŋğí šákpe wičháktepi,” meaning that they killed six Crow.

           Howard’s interpretation agrees with Beedes’ in that they killed six Crow, but adds that the six were chiefs.[34]

1837:  Wicogaga.
Wičháȟȟaŋ (Smallpox). Smallpox.

This summer the steamboat, S.S. Saint Peter, knowingly spread the smallpox threat to all the people it came into contact, particularly the native people who had little immunity to this deadly disease. By summer’s end, all the tribes living in the Missouri River basin or nearby were affected.[35]

Howard includes the narrative that smallpox carried many off to the spirit world.[36]

1838:  Sunpile ska awicakilipi.
Šuŋgléška áwičhaglipi (Horse-spotted captured-returned-they). They returned with spotted horses.

           They took many spotted horses in battle with the Crow.

1839:  Wikite wan icikte kin.
Wíŋkte waŋ ič’íkte kiŋ (Effeminate-man [homosexual/transvestite] an suicide the). A wíŋkte committed suicide.

           Beede’s notes say that a woman killed herself because her husband was killed by a white man. It was was a love-romance act. Beede either didn’t know what a wíŋkte was, or ignored the fact (as a priest) that a man was in love with another man and killed himself after his lover died.

           High Dog clearly depicted a figure wearing a dress, but with the addition of a phallus, in the act of hanging him/herself. According to White Bull, this wíŋkte was known as Pȟeží (Grass).[37]

1840:  Ikitami heraka ktipi.
Uŋktómi Heȟáka ktépi (Spider Elk killed-they). They [the enemy] killed one of their own whom they called Elk Spider.

           Beede’s informants tell him that Uŋktómi Heȟáka was a Huŋkphápȟa chief, and that he was killed in combat by the Crow.

1841:  P S a ahampi.
Psóhaŋpi (Snow-shoes). Snowshoes.  

           It was a deep snow winter.

1842:  Hahe spe la wanktepi.
Hóhe Ošpúla waŋ ktépi (Assiniboine Cuttings/Leavings a killed-they). They killed Leavings, an Assiniboine.

           Beede’s handwritten notes offer an interesting translation of this year as Assiniboine Dwarf/Little/Deformed they-killed.

           The pictograph shows a scalped man. There is nothing to indicate it was an Assiniboine.

1843:  Hetapa kilisin.
Hé Tópa glí šni (Horn Four return not). Four Horns did not return.

           According to Beede’s informant, a chief was lost in combat with the Crow, and was thought to have died. He later returned victorious with a Crow horse. They kept a bison skull in the thípi that year. Lone Dog says that it was the Itázipčho who kept a bison skull in their lodge and made medicine to bring the buffalo.[38]The pictograph for this year’s entry, however, only refers to Four Horns.

           Four Horns was a recognized leader of five Huŋkphápȟa bands: Tȟaló Nap’íŋ (Meat Necklace), Khi GlaškÁ (Tie One’s Own In The Middle), Čhegnáke Okhísela (Half Breechcloth), Šikšíčela (Bad Ones), and the Itázipe ŠíčA (Bad Bows).[39]

           White Bull said that the family of Four Horns, believing that he was dead, had a memorial feast and gave-away everything they had in his memory.[40]

1844:  Nawiasile.
Nawíčhašli (Measles). Measles.

           They were struck with measles that year, but there was no great mortality.

1845:  Ikim wocoapi.
Igmútȟaŋka wičhóhaŋpi (Cat-big [Mountain Lion] among-them-they). Some mountain lions came among them.

           They killed seven mountain lions in Ȟesápa. The Crow still contested Ȟesápa as their territory at that time and killed seven Lakȟóta in retaliation for the mountain lions.

           Beede’s informants tell him that there was a small band of Shoshone who lived west of Ȟesápa, and who were on friendly terms with the Crow. They tell Beede further that it was this band of Shoshone whom Sacagawea, the native woman who accompanied the Corps of Discovery, was taken from and not the nation of Shoshone further west. The Lakȟóta knew Sacagawea as Zitkála Wiyáŋ, which translates simply as Bird Woman.

1846:  Tabubu alawapi.
Tabú’bu alówaŋpi (Something-Large-And-Unknown sang-over-someone-they). They sang in honor over a man about something large.

           One man, entirely alone, defended the staff, the Lakȟóta flag, against great odds in combat against the Crow. Beede supposes that the “real” explanation is that the Lakȟóta adopted a more rigid system of respect for the leader “class,” those who wore feathers. His informants tell him that respect for traditional leadership was eroding with the advancing of white men, which led to the people in not holding the feather in high respect. The basis of traditional government was in danger, and with this, the nation too.

Rev. Eugene Beuchel’s “Lakota English Dictionary” translates Tabú’bu as “something large and big that no one ever saw,” but also describes this particular word as when children pile robes on another child so that the one child becomes something big.[41]It may be this last that describes this one man’s battle the Crow, against great odds that none could describe, and he came out victorious.

Howard interprets Tabú’bu as “Humpback,” and the pictograph to represent Huŋkálowaŋpi (Adopted-person-singing-over-they), in which the one holding the quirt is taking the other figure as his relative.[42]

           The pictograph depicts a man holding what appears to be a notched horse quirt above or towards the other figure.

1847:  Sino zkipato wakipa el wanityi.
Šiná Okhípatȟa Wakpá él waníthipi (Robe To-Piece-Together [Quilt] Creek at winter-camp). Their winter camp was at Blanket Creek.

           The Huŋkphápȟa made winter camp along a creek. They had recently obtained many wool trade blankets and named the creek after their acquisition.

           The pictograph depicts a blanket, one half of which appears to be dark blue and the other half is red. The blanket is next to lodge poles arranged for camp. Beede remarks that Blanket Creek is in South Dakota. The Dakȟóta referred to a same creek in SD as Šiná Tȟó Wakpána.[43]It is possible that this is the same creek.

1848:  Winya wayako wicaynzapi.
Wíŋyaŋ wayáka wičháyuzapi (Woman prisoner [a]-man-seized-her-for-his-wife-they). They seized a woman, and one man took her for his wife.

           The Crow seized a Huŋkphápȟa woman, and took her as his wife.

1849:  Wanaseta natahi.
Wanáseta natáŋ ahíyu (Bison-hunting charge chase-towards-here). They went on a bison hunt for meat and were ambushed.

           They went to hunt bison for meat and were ambushed by the Crow.

1850:  Kewayuspata.
Khéya OyúspA t’Á (Turtle Catch died). Turtle Catcher died.

           Beede’s informants tell him that Khewóyuspa was a chief. He died. The pictograph reveals depicts a common man holding onto, or catching, a turtle by its tail.  

1851:  Wayaka Paho el waniti.
Wayáka Pahá él waníthipi (Prisoner Butte at winter-camp). They made winter camp at Captive Butte.

           Beede’s notes refer to this site as “Slave Heart Butte,” and also that its location is in South Dakota. There is a Slave Butte in South Dakota, located north of present-day Newell, SD. The Lakȟóta killed some Shoshone captives there long ago.

1852:  Psa akiya akili alakata.
Psá[loka] akhíyA aglí wólakȟota (Crow [as the Lakȟóta pronounce this word] to-confer-in-a-group return-in-a-group peace-time).

           Beede’s informants told him that there was distemper (fever and coughing) during the winter. This same winter the Lakȟóta made a treaty with the Crow.

It is interesting to note that the Lakȟóta referred to their long-time enemy as Psáloka, the Lakȟóta word for Apsáalooke (which they call themselves), rather than Kaŋğí, the Lakȟóta word for Crow.

           Lone Dog says they exchanged pipes at this meeting.[44]

1853:  Hetopa an waktipi.
Hé Tópa waŋ waktépi (Horn Four in-particular to-have-done-killing-in-battle-they). In a fight, in which they returned victorious, Four Horns had killed them.

           Four Horns, a Huŋkphápȟa itȟáŋčhaŋ (chief), led the Lakȟóta in victory against the Crow. White Bull says this fight was at White Earth Creek, ND, north of Fort Berthold.[45]

           At was around this time that Four Hours was selected as one of four Huŋkphápȟa shirt-wearers (a responsibility similar to a magistrate or other judicial leader). The other three were: Hé Lúta (Red Horn), Čhetáŋ Hó Tȟáŋka (Loud Voice Hawk), and Tȟatȟóka Íŋyaŋke (Running Antelope).[46]

1854:  Mato cante ktepi.
Matȟó Čhaŋté ktépi (Bear Heart killed-they). They killed Bear Heart.

           Bear Heart was killed by a Crow.

1855:  Putihi sko wa akijija.
Phuthíŋhiŋ Ská awáŋkičiyaŋka (Beard White to-look-after-somebody). They took care of White Beard.

           A white man with a long white beard camped with them, and they took care of him through the winter. Beede says this man’s name was John Johnson, but it is likely to be a reference to Gen. Harney who went to make peace with the Oóhenuŋpa (Two Kettle), Húŋkpathi (Lower Yankton), Huŋkphápȟa, Sihásapa (Black-Soled Moccasins; Blackfeet Lakȟóta), Mnikȟówožu (Planters By The Stream), Itázipčho (Without-Bows; Sans Arc), Iháŋktȟuŋwanŋa (Yanktonai), and Sičháŋğu (Burnt-Thigh; Brule), in March, 1856, so that settlers on the Oregon Trail might pass by unperturbed.[47]

1856:  Wapaha wan yukisapi.
Wapȟáha waŋ  yuk’ézapi (Warbonnet in-particular to-shear-off-they). In a fight, he sheared a warbonnet off [the enemy’s head].

           Good Bear tore a warbonnet off of a Crow’s head in a fight. The pictograph depicts a Crow on horseback wearing a shaved horn warbonnet, a Lakȟóta rider behind with a lance chases his enemy.

1857:  Ata kte pi akilipi.
Áta ktépi aglípi (Entire killed-they returned-they). They returned having killed all of them.

           They returned from battle with the Crow, having killed all of them (the enemy war party). The pictograph indicates that the war party also counted coup three times.

1858:  Pato pi Pte so wa a.
Hé Tópa pté sáŋ waŋá (Head Four female-bison dull-white then-at-that-time). Four Horns got a white bison cow that time.

           Beede’s notes say that it was a man named “Paunch” who killed a white bison cow. According to White Bull, Four Horns killed this white bison at Pahá Zizípela (Slim Buttes), SD.[48]

           The Lakȟóta informed Frances Densmore that the white bison was swift and especially wary, because of this and also because it was rare, it was very difficult to acquire. The fur was exceedingly soft and fine; its horns smooth and glossy. The hooves of the white bison were somewhat pink, as was its nose. The last white bison hide seen near the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation was killed by the Huŋkphápȟa along what was once called Íŋyaŋwakağapi Wakpá (Stone Idol Creek; Spring Creek).

           The Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna used to live on the east side of the Mníšoše. Once they were forced to live on the west bank of the river, the name of that creek was displaced as well. Today, Íŋyaŋwakağapi Wakpá is now known as Spring Creek[49]; it is within the vicinity of Pollock, SD. The creek today which bears the name Stone Idol Creek is a tributary of the Cannonball River. It is the first by which the Huŋkphápȟa killed their last white bison.[50]

1859:  Simka ham skaktepi.
Šúŋka HáŋskA ktépi (Dog Long killed-they). They killed Long Dog.

           Beede’s informants tell him that Long Dog was killed by the Crow. The Blue Thunder Winter Count says that Long Dog and Jumping Bull were killed in a fight with the Assiniboine. A war party of eight went out and only Red Robe returned.

1860:  Kaginigi su toyapi.
Kaȟȟniȟ siŋtéyapi (Choose-selectively tail-to-have-for-they). They carefully chose a [horse] tail for themselves.

           Beede’s interpretation is that a man named “Race Horse” killed ten race horses. The horse depicted is a male buckskin which was killed by an arrow. There is no indication that ten horses were killed, only the one, nor who killed the horse.

           In a discussion with Great Plains cultural expert, Mr. Butch Thunder Hawk (Standing Rock), this year likely represents the creation of a horse memorial, commonly known as a horse dance stick, which was carved horse effigy. Makers of these Horse Memorials carefully selected horse hair from the tail of the horse and removed a modest strip of the horse’s flesh with hair on, which was scraped and cleaned, and was affixed to the carving. It may be hung in a special place in the lodge or home, or even sometimes danced with at the wačípi (pow-wow).

           No Two Horns referred to these horse sticks as “Tȟáwa Šúŋkawakȟaŋ Ópi Wokíksuye,” or “A Memorial To His Wounded Horse.”[51]

           In July, 1920, Col. Alfred Welch recorded the use of a different kind of horse stick. These were simple branded sticks which were presented at a give-away. These branded sticks designated to gift recipients that they could select for themselves a horse from the givers’ herds. These horse sticks were not elaborately carved nor decorated beyond bearing a brand.[52]

1861:  Itu kaso luto ktepi.
Itȟúŋkasaŋ Lúta ktépi (Weasel Red killed-they). They killed Red Weasel.

           There are two explanations for this year’s event. The first being that a man named, according to Beede, Tracks Weasel, was killed in a fight with the Crow who had stolen horses from them. Beede’s interpretation suggests that the image of Red Weasel also contains within it his phallus. Beede says that the true explanation is that this year’s entry signifies the first time a sexually transmitted disease came among them, but doesn’t say which disease, only that it came from white men.

1862:  Hahe 20 wicakte pi.
Hóhe wikčémna núŋpa wičháktepi (Assiniboine ten two men-killed-they). They killed twenty Assiniboine.

           Beede’s interpretation is that the Lakȟóta fought and killed twenty “HAKES,“ which he interprets as Creeks. The pictograph suggests, instead, that the Lakȟóta war party killed twenty Crow.

           Frances Densmore recorded a song which was sung in pursuit of the Crow shared by Swift Dog and Kills At Night who recounted a song in their pursuit of the Crow:

           Eháŋna                        Long-Ago (Long ago)
           Hečhámuŋ kte č’uŋ     Thusly to-do afore-said (I would have done this)
           Núŋmlala kešá            Only-two no-matter-which (Only twice again)
           AwápȟA peló               To-strike-people they-are-coming (I struck them [the enemy])
           Hó!                               Now! (Now!)
           Nayáȟ’uŋpi huwó?       You-hear question? (Do you hear it?)[53]

1863:  Taka kuwa wan kte.
Tȟóka khuwá waŋ ktépi (Enemy chase particular-one killed-they). They chased one of the enemies and killed him.

           In a fight with the Crow, they found a Crow youth in a coyote trap and killed him. The pictograph suggests that the one who chased him counted first coup. It also seems evident that the Crow youth was known to them as Yellow Weasel.

1864:  Wayaka wiyapeyapi.
Wayáka wiyáŋ iyópȟeyapi (Captive woman exchange-for-they). They exchanged a captive woman in trade.

           They captured and held a white woman. They refused to give her up because they believed her to be good luck. This is probably Fanny Kelly. The Oglála had captured Kelly at Box Elder Creek in Wyoming. She was stolen from the Oglála by the Sihásapa and made the wife of Brings Plenty. Kelly was given the name “Real Woman.” She eventually regained her freedom either by tricking her Lakȟóta captors into bringing her to Fort Sully (present-day Pierre, SD), or she was was escorted to Fort Sully, willingly, by a Huŋkphápȟa man and under the protection of Sitting Bull himself.[54]

1865:  Leje awicaya.
LéžA awíčhoyazaŋ (to-pass-water-often sickness-on). A sickness struck, which causes one to urinate frequently.

           Beede’s notes reveal that he believed this was caused by a sexually transmitted disease. A urinating phallus appears in this pictograph. Beede’s informants told him that blood was involved. This sickness could also have been a urinary tract infection, but what caused it is unknown.

1866:  Pizi capapapi.
Phizí čhapȟápȟapi (Gall stabbed-they). They stabbed Gall.

           Gall was stabbed twice and left for dead near Fort Berthold in November of 1865. He recovered. When the 1868 Fort Laramie Treaty was brought to Fort Rice, D.T., for the Huŋkphápȟa to sign, Gall showed Fr. DeSmet his bayonet scars. Gall realized that the treaty meant conceding more land to the whites, and though he signed the treaty (as Goes In The Middle), perhaps even unknowing what he was signing after being feasted and gifted, the first thing Gall said when offered the chance to speak to the officials was, “You ask me where are our lands? I answer you. Our lands are wherever our dead are buried!”[55]Gall would later lead the defense of the Huŋkphápȟa at the Little Bighorn fight and routed Major Reno’s assault.

1867:  Winya wan hu wakise.
Wiyáŋ waŋ hú waksé (Woman a leg severed). A woman’s leg was severed.

            A woman died, over in Montana, after her leg was severed.

1868:  Itazipica ake zapi ta.
Itázipčho akézaptaŋ t’Á (Without-Bows fifteen died). Fifteen members of the Itázipčho (Sans Arc) died.

           Only five Lakȟóta are shown on this year’s entry. Beede’s notes say that it was actually fifteen Crow who were killed in this fight. According to Brown Hat the Crow killed fifteen Itázipčho and a Khulwíčaša (Lower Brule) named “Long Fish.”[56]

1869:  Kanigi wicasa zo wicaktepi.
Kȟaŋğí wičháša wikčémna yámni wičháktepi (Crow men ten three men-killed-they). They fought and killed thirty Crow men.

           They killed thirty Crow. The pictograph, however, only shows fourteen.

1870:  Kangi wiyakota.
Kȟaŋğí WíyakA t’Á (Crow Feather died). Crow Feather died.

           Crow Feather, an itáŋčhaŋ (leader), died of natural causes.

1871:  Kangi cigala to.
Kȟaŋğí Čík’ala t’Á (Crow Little died). Little Crow died.

           Little Crow died. This is not the same Taóyate Dúta (His Red Nation; aka “Little Crow”) who was involved in the 1862 Minnesota Dakota Conflict. The Isáŋyathi Little Crow was shot and killed by a settler in July of 1863.

1872:  Mata kawige ti hi wankte.
Matȟó KawíŋğA thí hí waŋ kté (Bear Turns-About lodge comes-here a killed). Circling Bear killed [an enemy] who came to his lodge.

           Circling Bear (also Circle Bear) killed a Crow who came to his lodge to fight. Turning Bear, an Itázipčho, was a participant in the Little Bighorn fight, a Ghost Dancer leader, and a witness of the Wounded Knee massacre. The Carnegie Museum winter count depicts the death of Turning Bear in the winter of 1912-1913 when he was run over by a train.[57]

1873:  Ikacolo towa wan eyayapi.
Íkačhaŋla tȟáwa waŋ iyéyapi (Trot-little his a found they). They found his horse which was trotting with a light gait.

           A Crow stole a white horse from someone. They found the horse trotting lightly.

1874:  Taka cepa wan ktepi.
Tȟóka čhépa waŋ ktépi (Enemy fat a killed-they). They killed a fat enemy.

           They killed a fat Crow. Afterward, they dissected the body in hopes of discovering why or how he had grown so large. According to Beede, a member of the St. Luke’s Episcopal community had participated in the dissection of the Crow, and believed that the body weighed somewhere around 400 lbs. Beede’s informant also said that the flesh was very thick and yellow in color.  

1875:  Sunko ska hikin.
Šuŋgská hí kiŋ (Dog-White came-here the). White Dog came here.

           According to Beede, they were visited by “Apache” that summer, who rode white horses. The pictograph, however, indicates a Crow named White Horse instead. Beede’s handwritten notes say that this was an Assiniboine chief. The Lakȟóta word for Apache is Čhíŋčakiŋze (Squeaking Wood).

Perhaps Beede was meant Arapaho, who were allied with the Thítȟúŋwaŋ and Šahíyela (Red Talkers; Cheyenne) at the Little Bighorn fight. The Lakȟóta word for Arapaho is Maȟpíya Tȟó (Blue Cloud). How or why Beede concluded it was the Apache who came is not clear. The pictograph for this year is a Crow with a name glyph of a white horse or a white dog.

According to White Bull, this was an Assiniboine chief they knew as White Dog.[58]

1876:  Tatka iyato ke tako akileso ab.
Tȟatȟáŋka Íyotake táku Ógleša ób (Bison-Bull Sitting something Coat-red with-them). Sitting Bull did something [an agreement] with the Redcoats.

           Sitting Bull made an agreement with the Canadian military at Fort Walsh in Canada, following the Little Bighorn fight, for the Huŋkphápȟa to stay there. The Lakota began arriving to the fort in November, 1876, and throughout the winter and spring the following year. Canada refers to this event as the Lakota Refugee Crisis.

           Canada regarded the Lakȟóta as “Americans.” Sitting Bull argued that the Lakȟóta were allies of the English, who still managed Canada’s foreign affairs, in the War of 1812.[59]

1877:  Wicagipi wanjilo ktepi.
Wičáȟpi Waŋžíla ktépi (Star Only-One they-killed). They killed One Star.

           One Star was killed in a fight with the Crow.

1878:  Mata cigatato ahiktepi.
Matȟó Čík’ala ahí ktépi (Bear Little came-here killed they). They came and killed Little Bear.

           Little Bear was killed in a fight with the Crow.

1879:  Tawahu kezalutoto.
Tȟáwahukheza Lúta t’Á (His-Spear Red died). His Red Spear died.

           He Has A Red Spear died.

1880:  Pizi ti.
Phizí thí (Gall lodge). Gall lodge.

           Beede’s informants say this this year, only two words, is when Gall intervened during a sundance near Fort Yates, ND. Beede refers to this as a “remarkable feat of bravery.” Beede’s handwritten notes say that Gall shot at the camp on Tongue River.

           Frank Zahn, Howard’s informant, says that this year represents when soldiers shot into Gall’s camp on Tongue River.[60]

           Gall and his followers, Crow King, Black Moon, Low Dog, and Fools Heart, and their extended families (a total of 230 people) were brought to Standing Rock Agency in the summer of 1881.[61]

1881:  Pehi ska kin Napeyuzapo.
Pȟehíŋ Ská kiŋ napéyuzapo (Hair White the handshake-with-all-of-them). The White Hair shook hands in greeting with all of them.

           A white man they called White Hair (Maj. James McLaughlin) led the Lakȟóta to feel friendly towards the government, with mixed success. McLaughlin was the superintendant of the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation. Beede’s notes refer to McLaughlin as White Beard.

1882:  Pehi ska kici wanasapi.
Pȟehíŋ Ská kičhí wanásapi (Hair White with big-game-[bison]-hunt-they). White Hair went on a bison hunt with them.

           White Hair went bison hunting with the Lakȟóta.

           White Hair (McLaughlin) supervised the last great bison hunt in North America in the summer of 1882. The hunting party consisted of about 600 mounted Lakȟóta. Francis Densmore briefly, yet optimistically, describes the few years’ acquaintance between Sitting Bull and McLaughlin.[62]

1883:  Kangi wicaso 3 hipi.
Kȟaŋğí wičháša yámni hípi (Crow men three came-they). Three Crow men came to them.

           Three Crow came to visit them as friends.

1884:  Kangi cigaloto.
Kȟaŋğí Čík’ala t’Á (Crow Little died). Little Crow died.

           Little Crow died. According to White Bull, this is Kȟǧí Yátapi (Crow King) who died. Crow King led eighty warriors against the 7thCavalry in the Little Bighorn fight.[63]He died of consumption (pulmonary tuberculosis) and was buried according to Roman Catholic sacraments.[64]

1885:  Iceta Wahacakata.
Čhetáŋ Waháčhaŋka t’Á (Hawk Shield died). Hawk Shield died.

           An old warrior named Hawk Shield died. Howard suggests that this may be Flying By.[65]

1886:  Herako 1897
Heȟáka Wašté t’Á (Bull-Elk Good died). Good Elk died.

           Good Elk died. This year also begins including the year of the Common Era.

1887:  Hetapo to 1898.
Hé Tópa t’Á (Horn Four died). Four Horns died.

           Four Horns died.

Following the Little Bighorn fight, Four Horns led the Huŋkphápȟa under his leadership to Fort Walsh in Canada. He was among the Huŋkphápȟa who journeyed to Fort Buford, Dakota Territory, in 1881. Four Horns and his immediate family were held as prisoners of war at Fort Randall where his wife died. The Huŋkphápȟa prisoners were eventually taken to Standing Rock to be with the Huŋkphápȟa there. According to the Indian census Four Horns was seventy-three winters.[66]

1888:  Wisapata 1899.
Wí SápA t’Á (Luminary [i.e. Sun/Moon] Black died). Black Moon died.

           There was a solar eclipse this year on New Year’s Day, Jan. 1, 1889, however, this year’s entry indicates that it was the Huŋkphápȟa chief, Black Moon, who died. The pictograph clearly depicts a man with a name glyph above his head. The name glyph depicts an inverted black crescent representing a solar eclipse.

           Black Moon met the 1868 Fort Laramie Treaty commission at Fort Rice to declare his desire for peace on the condition that the the Great Father halt the construction of the Northern Pacific Railroad and recall his soldiers. He fought in the Little Bighorn conflict, and was among the Huŋkphápȟa who returned from Canada with Gall.

The Lakȟóta have many ways to describe the solar eclipse. The Huŋkphápȟa also refer to the solar eclipse as Maȟpíya Yapȟéta which means “Fire Cloud.” About ten other Lakȟóta winter counts refer to the solar eclipse of 1869 as Wí’kte (The Sun Died; Death Of The Sun).

According to Mr. Warren Horse Looking Sr. (Sičáŋğu), the solar eclipse is Aŋpétuwi Tokȟáȟ’aŋ, or “The Disappearing Sun.” Mr. Jon Eagle (Sisseton-Wahpeton Oyate) says Wí’Atá (The Sun Entire). Ms. Leslie Mountain (Sisseton-Wahpeton Oyate) learned to refer to the solar eclipse as WakhápheyA (Of A Singular Appearance).

The New Lakota Dictionary interprets a solar eclipse in the Lakȟóta language as: Aháŋzi (Shadow) and AóhaŋziyA (To Cast A Shadow Upon).

1889:  Kawakata el winyawicaka 1890.
Kawéğata él wíŋyaŋ wičháktepi (To-break-off-on at woman a-died-they). Something fell on a woman of theirs and killed her.

           A woman was killed when a tree collapsed onto her.

           Used As A Shield said of the summer of 1889, “This was the last time that Sitting Bull was in a regular tribal camp...used to go around the camp circle every evening just before sunset on his favorite horse, singing this song:”

           Ikíčhize                        Warrior (A Warrior)
           Waóŋ’kȟoŋ                  Have-been (I Have been)
           Waŋná                         Now (Now)
           Henála yeló                 It-is-finished (It is all over)
           Iyótiye khiyá                Difficult-time (A hard time)
           Waóŋ                           Having (I Have)[67]

1890:  Tatoka iyatake kte pi 1891.
Tȟatȟáŋka Íyotake ktépi (Bison-Bull Sitting killed-they). They killed Sitting Bull.

           They killed Sitting Bull that winter.

           As Sitting Bull was arrested, he paused at the door of his cabin and sang a farewell song, “I am a man and wherever I lie is my own.” Moments later, he lay dead outside the door of his home; six members of Midnight Strongheart Society also died that morning.[68]

           Red Tomahawk offered this frank, brutal, and succinct account:

Sitting Bull was my friend. I killed him like this...

At the time of the death of Sitting Bull I was second lieutenant of the Indian Police at Fort Yates. The Indian police were ordered to go out and bring him in dead or alive. We found him with about 500 men out on the banks of the Grand River, about thirty miles from Fort Yates. The Indians in the party were holding a ghost dance, which the government had prohibited. The Indian police went over to where the camp was and told them to stop the dance, but they did not do so. Captain Bull Head, Sergeant Shave Head and myself
[sic] went over and stood beside Sitting Bull and I grabbed Sitting Bull’s left arm and held him. One of Sitting Bull’s men fired and shot Bull Head. When I saw him sinking to the ground I drew my revolver and shot Sitting Bull twice, once through the left side and once through the head. We broke up the dance and Sitting Bull was taken back to the agency dead.[69]

           In Fort Yates, 1915, Colonel Alfred B. Welch interviewed Tačháŋȟpi Lúta (Red Tomahawk), who asserted to Welch that his name meant [His] Red War Club. Welch spoke with Red Tomahawk about the death of Sitting Bull. "I was under orders," Red Tomahawk said to Welch, "so I killed him. He should not have been hollared [sic]."

Welch asked if Sitting Bull's spirit ever returned there. "Yes. Sometimes," replied Red Tomahawk, "He rides in on an elk spirit." Welch wanted to visit Sitting Bull's burial site and asked Red Tomahawk to go with him there. Red Tomahawk declined the invitation and ended the interview with, "No. I do not go. I am afraid. There are mysterious flowers upon his grave every year. We do not know where they come from. They are wak
ȟáŋ."[70]

1891:  Tasuke heratota 1892.
Tȟašúŋke Híŋȟota t’Á (His-Horse Roan died). Roan Horse died.

            Spotted Horse died. He was a follower of Chief Circle Bear.

1892:  Sinko mazata 1893.
Šúŋka Máza t’Á (Dog Iron died). Iron Dog died.

           Beede’s translation says this man’s name was “Horse Shoe.”

           Little is known of Iron Dog. He was a Načá (headman) who lead his Huŋkphápȟa followers to Fort Walsh, Canada, following the Little Bighorn fight. While in exile, Iron Dog had a disagreement with Sitting Bull and refused to follow his lead again.[71]

1893:  Tawahu kezotuta ta 1894.
Tȟáwahukheza Lúta t’Á (His-Spear Red died). His Red Spear died.

            His Red Spear died.

1894:  Pizi to 1895.
Phizí t’Á (Gall died). Gall died.

           Chief Gall died. Gall became a Christian and regularly attended services at St. Elizabeth’s Episcopal Church in Wakpala, SD, a farmer, a judge, and a proponent of education, going so far as to donate some of his allotment to create a day school.[72]He rests at St. Elizabeth’s cemetery in Wakpala, SD.

1895:  Winya wan ilekin 1896.
Wíŋyaŋ waŋ ilé kiŋ (Woman a burn the). A woman burned [to death].

           A woman burned to death in her home.

1896:  Pa Wicoyukisapi 1897.
Pȟá wičháyazaŋpi (Head sickness-they). A sickness affected their heads.

           A sickness caused sores on their heads. The Roan Bear Winter Count has a similar entry for 1838 in which many died of a head sickness which caused sores on their heads. This may be the hemorrhagic form of smallpox which causes extreme headaches and sudden violent death.

           The pictograph for this year depicts three Dakȟóta men and a noose. The image clearly recalls the lynching and hanging of three Dakȟóta men in retaliation for the Spicer family murders across the river from Standing Rock.[73]

1897:  Kangi iuiyakata 1898.
Kȟaŋğí Wíyaka t’Á (Crow Feather died). Crow Feather died.

           Beede’s notes say that there was a woman who was once taken prisoner by the Crow. She then lived with them for the remainder of her life and died among them.  

The pictograph for this year depicts a common man with a name glyph of a red feather.

1898:  Mato cuwiyukisa ta 1899.
Matȟó Čhuwíyuksa t’Á (Bear From-The-Waist-Up died). Bear Vest died.

           Beede’s notes refer to this man as “Spotted Bear” instead. Howard interprets the text as, “Bear Broken In Half died.”

The pictograph is of a common man with a name glyph that appears to be the front half of a small black bear.

1899:  Ieta wahacaka ta 1900.
Čhetáŋ Waháčhaŋka t’Á (Hawk Shield died). Hawk Shield died.

Hawk Shield was a chief of the Sihásapa Lakȟóta.

1900:  Herako wawaite ta 1901.
Heȟáka Hó Wašté t’Á (Elk-Bull Voice Good died). Good Voice Elk died.

1901:  Tatako pa to 1902.
Tȟatȟáŋka Pȟá t’Á (Bison-Bull Head died). Bull Head died.

           Beede notes that this isn’t the same Lt. Bull Head who was involved in the death of Sitting Bull.

1902:  Tatako wano yi ta 1903.
Tȟatȟáŋka Wanáği t’Á (Bison-Bull Ghost died). Bull Ghost died.

           Beede knew him as Buffalo Ghost.

1903:  Wicaripi wanjilo ta 1904.
Wičáȟpi Waŋžíla t’Á (Star Only-One died). One Star died.

           Beede interprets this as the year a star disappeared. The pictograph depicts a star.

1904:  Wahacakasapota 1905.
Waháčhaŋka SápA t’Á (Shield Black died). Black Shield died).

           Beede’s notes says his name was Beaver Shield. The pictograph depicts a black shield.

1905:  Ite amaroju ta 1906.
Ité Omáğažu t’Á (Face Raining-On died). Rain In The Face died.

The pictograph depicts a common man whose name glyph is a pictograph of a Crow Indian.

By Rain In The Face’ own account, he was called so on two occasions as a youth. The name was deemed auspicious, when upon going to war against the Hidatsa, he had painted his face red and black to represent the sun, they had fought in the rain all day which streaked his painted face. Rain’ was known for his part in the Fetterman Fight, his infamous escape from Fort Abraham Lincoln, and for participating in the Little Bighorn fight. When the reservation era began, Rain’ put aside all his conflict with the whites and lived peaceably the rest of his days.[74]

1906:  Ieto wakiuate 1907.
Čhetáŋ Wakíŋyaŋ t’Á (Hawk Thunder died). Thunder Hawk died.

           According to Beede, this is Feather Hawk.

The pictograph depicts a common man wearing a red and white striped shirt. The name glyph is a yellow hawk with lightning coming out of its wings.

The prominent use of yellow in the coloring of the name glyph and the deliberate black lines upon the head, wings, and tail, seem to hint at this depiction being a Čhaŋšíŋkaȟpu (Yellow Winged Woodpecker).

The Lakȟóta associate the Čhaŋšíŋkaȟpu with the Wakíŋyaŋ (Thunder-Beings), in the black crescent moon upon its breast and black hailstone upon its body. In fair weather, Čhaŋšíŋkaȟpu is said to proclaim, “Aŋpétu wašté, aŋpétu wašté [It’s a beautiful day, it’s a beautiful day!].”[75]

1907:  Tadukeiyake to 1908.
Tȟašúŋke ÍŋyaŋkA t’Á (Horse To-Run died). Running Horse died.

           Beede’s notes say his name is His Horse Rears. The pictograph depicts a name glyph of a running horse above a common man.

1908:  Tyacukaske suwakipimoin 1909.
Tȟašúŋkaška wakpámni (Horses-staked a-distribution-of). Horses were issued.

According to Frank Zahn, horses were issued to the Lakȟóta at Rock Fence Place, south of Fort Yates, ND.[76]

1909:  Wico gipi wan ile yahan 1910.
Wičáȟpi waŋ ilé yÁ haŋ (Star a burn go night). A burning star went into the night.

           This is in reference to Halley’s Comet.

1910:  Fata ko witka ta 1911.
Tȟatȟáŋka Witkó t’Á (Bison-Bull Crazy died). Crazy Bull died.

1911:  Note:The last entry of the High Dog Winter Count appears to be two separate events which occurred in the same year.

Wakaheja nasilipi 1912.
Wakȟáŋheža našlípi (Children measles-they). Measles struck the children.

Wicarpi wan ileyoukin.
Wičáȟpi waŋ ilé ú kiŋ (Star a burn coming-here the). A burning star came this way.

There appeared at least six comets in 1913 as recorded and observed by H.C. Wilson and C.H. Gingrich at Carlton College, M.N. The entry for this year may reference Comet 1913a which was visible to the naked eye in May and June of 1913.[77]

           The pictograph depicts a common person whose body is adorned with red spots, but whose face is unmarked. A falling star is depicted close enough to be a name glyph, but there is no marker connecting the two.




[1] Welch, Col. Alfred B. "Chapter 7: Blue Cloud Stone." www.welchdakotapapers.com. October 13, 2013. Accessed February 1, 2015.
[2]New Lakota Dictionary, 2ndEdition, s.v. “Hakéla.”
[3]Šuŋgmánitu-Išná (Lone Wolf). "Lakota Birth Order Names." The Lodge of Šuŋgmánitu-Išná. January 1, 1998. Accessed February 2, 2015.
[4]Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 352.
[5]Mallory, Garrick. "Chapter X: Chronology." In Picture-Writing Of The American Indians, 319. 1st ed. Vol. 1. New York, NY: Dover Publications, 1972.
[6] Howard, James H. "Yanktonai Ethnohistory And The John K. Bear Winter Count." Plains Anthropologist: Journal Of The Plains Conference 21, no. 73, Pt. 2 (1976): 22.
[7]"4: Winter By Winter." In The Years The Stars Fell: Lakota Winter Counts At The Smithsonian, edited by Candace S. Greene, by Russell Thornton, 130. 1st ed. Lincoln, NB: University Of Nebraska Press, 2007.
[8] Mallory, Garrick. "Chapter X: Chronology." In Picture-Writing Of The American Indians, 295. 1st ed. Vol. 1. New York, NY: Dover Publications, 1972.
[9]Locke, Kevin. Online conversation with author. April 24, 2015.
[10]The Indian Sign Language, First Bison Print Edition, s.v. “Scout.”
[11]Mallory, Garrick. "Chapter X: Chronology." In Picture-Writing Of The American Indians, 300. 1st ed. Vol. 1. New York, NY: Dover Publications, 1972.
[12] Ibid., 315.
[13] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 359.
[14]Beede, Rev. Aaron. "The High Dog Winter Count." notes, Fort Yates, ND, June 6, 1912.
[15] Diedrich, Mark. "Chapter 4, Waneta: Dakota Dictator." In Famous Chiefs Of The Eastern Sioux, 29-42. 1st ed. Vol. 1. Minneapolis, MN: Coyote Books, 1987.
[16]Mallory, Garrick. "Chapter X: Chronology." In Picture-Writing Of The American Indians, 316. 1st ed. Vol. 1. New York, NY: Dover Publications, 1972.
[17]Ibid., 276.
[18]Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 360.
[19]Lakota-English Dictionary, 2nd Edition, s.v. “Wi’tapaha” and “Witapahatu.”
[20]"American Fur Company Employers - 1818-1819." In Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites, 154-169. Vol. 12. Madison, Wisconsin: Democrat Printing Company, State Printers, 1892.
[21]Mallory, Garrick. "Chapter X: Chronology." In Picture-Writing Of The American Indians, 316. 1st ed. Vol. 1. New York, NY: Dover Publications, 1972.
[22]Howard, James H. "Yanktonai Ethnohistory And The John K. Bear Winter Count." Plains Anthropologist: Journal Of The Plains Conference 21, no. 73, Pt. 2 (1976): 26.
[23] Ibid., 33.
[24]Mallory, Garrick. "Chapter X: Chronology." In Picture-Writing Of The American Indians, 317. 1st ed. Vol. 1. New York, NY: Dover Publications, 1972.
[25]Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 365.
[26] Innis, Ben. "The Heritage of Bloody Knife." In Bloody Knife: Custer's Favorite Scout, 1-9. Revised ed. Bismarck, ND: Smokey Water Press, 1994.
[27] Ibid., 10-12.
[28]Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 366.
[29] Sundstrom, Linea. "The Chandler-Pohrt Winter-Count." St. Francis Mission Among The Lakota. January 1, 1998. Accessed March 3, 2015.
[30]Lakota-English Dictionary, 2ndEdition, s.v. “Star.”
[31]Mails, Thomas. "Hair Styles, Jewelry, And Headdresses." In The Mystic Warriors Of The Plains, 357-396. 2nd ed. Tulsa, OK: Council Oak Books, 1991.
[32] Thunderhawk, Butch. Conversation with the author, April 14, 2015.
[33]Desnmore, Frances. Teton Sioux Music And Culture. 1st Bison Book Edition ed. Lincoln, NB: University Of Nebraska Press, 1992. 403.
[34]Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 373.
[35]Chardon, F.A. Chardon's Journal At Fort Clark, 1834-1839. Edited by Annie Heloise Abel. 1st Bison Book Edition ed. Lincoln, NB: University Of Nebraska Press, 1997. 123.
[36]Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 374.
[37] Vestal, Stanley. Warpath : The True Story of the Fighting Sioux Told in a Biography of Chief White Bull. 1st ed. Boston, MA: University Of Nebraska Press, 1934. 348.
[38]Mallory, Garrick. "Chapter X: Chronology." In Picture-Writing Of The American Indians, 281. 1st ed. Vol. 1. New York, NY: Dover Publications, 1972.
[39]LaPointe, Ernie. "Jumping Badger." In Sitting Bull: His Life And Legacy, 22. 1st ed. Layton, UT: Gibbs Smith, 2009.
[40]Vestal, Stanley. Warpath : The True Story of the Fighting Sioux Told in a Biography of Chief White Bull. 1st ed. Boston, MA: University Of Nebraska Press, 1934. 265.
[41]Lakota-English Dictionary, Bilingual Edition, s.v. “Tabú’bu.”
[42]Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 379.
[43]Waggoner, Josephine. "Dakota And Lakota Oyate Band Organization." In Witness: A Huŋkphápȟa Historian’s Strong-Heart Song of The Lakotas, 41. Lincoln, Nebraska: University Of Nebraska Press, 2013.
[44]Mallory, Garrick. "Chapter X: Chronology." In Picture-Writing Of The American Indians, 283. 1st ed. Vol. 1. New York, NY: Dover Publications, 1972.
[45]Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 383.
[46]Utley, Robert M. "2: Warrior." In The Lance And The Shield: The Life And Times Of Sitting Bull, 21-22. 1st ed. New York, NY: Henry Holt And Company, 1993.
[47]Reavis, L.U., and Cassius Marcellus Clay. The Life And Military Services Of Gen. William Selby Harney. 1st ed. Saint Louis, MO: Bryan, Brand &, 1878. 201.
[48]Vestal, Stanley. Warpath : The True Story of the Fighting Sioux Told in a Biography of Chief White Bull. 1st ed. Boston, MA: University Of Nebraska Press, 1934. 349.
[49]Nicolett, Joseph, and Lt. J.C. Fremont. Hydrographical Basin of the Upper Mississippi River from Astronomical and Barometrical Observations, Surveys, and Information. Washington D.C.: Bureau of the Corps of Topographical Engineers, U.S. Dept. of War, 1843.
[50]Desnmore, Frances. Teton Sioux Music And Culture. 1st Bison Book Edition ed. Lincoln, NB: University Of Nebraska Press, 1992. 446.
[51]Wooley, David L., and Joseph D. Horse Capture. "Joseph No Two Horns: He Nupa Wanica."American Indian Art Magazine 18, no. 3 (1993): 32-43.
[52] Welch, Col. Alfred B. “Life On The Plains In The 1800s." www.welchdakotapapers.com. October 13, 2013. Accessed April 22, 2015.
[53]Desnmore, Frances. Teton Sioux Music And Culture. 1st Bison Book Edition ed. Lincoln, NB: University Of Nebraska Press, 1992. 407.
[54]Vestal, Stanley. "The Captive White Woman." In Sitting Bull: Champion Of The Sioux, A Biography, 64. 1st ed. Norman, OK: University Of Oklahoma Press, 1989.
[55]Crawford, Lewis F. Rekindling Camp Fires: The Exploits Of Ben Arnold (Conner) (Wa-si-cu Tam-A-he-ca) An Authentic Narrative Of Sixty Years In The Old West As Indian Fighter, Gold Miner, Cowboy, Hunter, And Army Scout. 1st ed. Bismarck, ND: Capital Book Company, 1926. 172.
[56]Mallory, Garrick. "Chapter X: Chronology." In Picture-Writing Of The American Indians, 326. 1st ed. Vol. 1. New York, NY: Dover Publications, 1972.
[57]Haukaas, Thomas "Red Owl""Lakota Of The Plains: The Winter Count." www.carnegiemnh.org/. January 1, 1995. Accessed April 22, 2015.
[58]Vestal, Stanley. Warpath : The True Story of the Fighting Sioux Told in a Biography of Chief White Bull. 1st ed. Boston, MA: University Of Nebraska Press, 1934. 350.
[59]Coneghan, Daria. "Fort Walsh." www.esask.uregina.ca. January 1, 2006. Accessed April 22, 2015.
[60]Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 398.
[61]Dickson III, Ephriam D. The Sitting Bull Surrender Census: The Lakotas At Standing Rock Agency, 1891. 1st ed. Pierre, SD: South Dakota State Historical Society, 2010. 48-59.
[62]Densmore, Frances. "The Buffalo Hunt." In Teton Sioux Music And Culture, 436. 1st Bison Book Edition ed. Lincoln, NB: University Of Nebraska Press, 1992.
[63]Vestal, Stanley. Warpath : The True Story of the Fighting Sioux Told in a Biography of Chief White Bull. 1st ed. Boston, MA: University Of Nebraska Press, 1934. 270.
[64]Bismarck Tribune, April 11, 1884.
[65]Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 401.
[66] Utley, Robert M. "20: Standing Rock." In The Lance And The Shield: The Life And Times Of Sitting Bull, 252. 1st ed. New York, NY: Henry Holt And Company, 1993.
[67]Densmore, Frances. "The Buffalo Hunt." In Teton Sioux Music And Culture, 258. 1st Bison Book Edition ed. Lincoln, NB: University Of Nebraska Press, 1992.
[68]LaPointe, Ernie. "The Murder." In Sitting Bull: His Life And Legacy, 104. 1st ed. Layton, UT: Gibbs Smith, 2009.
[69]Red Tomahawk, Brenda. "The Death Of Sitting Bull: The Story Of Red Tomahawk." Interview by author. May, 2010.
[70]Welch, Col. Alfred B. "Red Tomahawk: "Sitting Bull Was My Friend. I Killed Him Like This..."" www.welchdakotapapers.com. October 13, 2013. Accessed November 14, 2014.
[71]Utley, Robert M. "14: Winter Of Dispair." In The Lance And The Shield: The Life And Times Of Sitting Bull, 176. 1st ed. New York, NY: Henry Holt And Company, 1993.
[72]Lawson, Robert W. "His Final Years." In Gall: Lakota War Chief, 230-238. 1st ed. Norman, OK: University Of Oklahoma Press, 2007.
[73] Bueling, Lynn. "Book Recounts N.D. Mob Lynching." The Bismarck Tribune, December 1, 2013, Book Reviews sec. Accessed May 6, 2015.
[74] Eastman (Ohiyesa), Charles A. "Rain In The Face." In Indian Heroes & Great Chieftains, 132-151. 1st Bison Book Edition ed. Lincoln, NB: University Of Nebraska Press, 1991.
[75]Thunderhawk, Butch. Conversation with the author, April 14, 2015.
[76]Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 409.
[77]Wilson, H.C., and C.H. Gingrich. "Observation Of The Comets of 1913 And 1914." Publications of the Goodsell Observatory 4 (1915): 1-28.

The Blue Thunder, Or Yellow Lodge, Winter Count

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A composite image of the Blue Thunder Winter Count.
Wakíŋyaŋ Tȟó Waníyetu Wowápi
The Blue Thunder Winter Count
Edited by Dakota Wind
BISMARCK, N.D. - The Blue Thunder Winter Count is currently part of the permanent collections at the State Historical Society of North Dakota. Blue Thunder's story can be found here. Following his death sometime in the early 1920s, the winter count tradition was taken up by Yellow Lodge. The last dozen or so entries clearly by a hand not Blue Thunder's. 

Blue Thunder had no known children, no sons or daughters of his own, but the tradition was taken up by his step-daughter Tópa Kdí Inážiŋ Wiŋ (Stops Four Times Returning Woman). She in turn passed it down to her daughters (one of those daughters is this writer's own great-grandmother, Tȟaté Dúta Wiŋ (Scarlet Wind Woman). 

He Nuŋpá Waníča (Lit. "Horn/s Two There-Are-None"), or No Two Horns, rendered this winter count. It is currently in the collections at the State Historical Society of North Dakota.

The Blue Thunder Winter Count entries are matched in the entries of the No Two Horns Winter Count (pictographs are rendered in No Two Horns own wonderful artistic hand).

1785-86:          Wakȟáŋ Tȟáŋka wíŋyaŋ waŋ iyéyapi (With-Energy Great woman a found-for-themselves). They found a Great Spirit woman.

Blue Thunder said that this was near the ocean, or the mouth of the Missouri River.

According to High Hawk (Oglála) the Lakȟóta captured a Hóhe (Assiniboine) woman who cried out that she was a Wakȟáŋ Tȟaŋká wiŋyáŋ. They took her with them regardless, but later freed her.

1786-87:          Ȟewáktokta ób kičhízapi kiŋ (Hidatsa with battle-they the). They fought with the Hidatsa.

1787-88:          Pȟóğe HáŋskA ktépi (Nostril Long killed-they). They killed Long Nose.

1788-89:          Pȟehíŋ HáŋskA waŋ ktépi (Hair Long a killed-they). They killed a Long Hair.

1789-90:          Mníyaye Yuhá waŋ ktépi (Water-Carrier Has a killed-they). They killed Water-Carrier-Owner.

1790-91:          Wapȟáha Kitȟúŋ tȟóka ahí ktépi (Warbonnet To-Wear-Something enemy came-here killed-they). An enemy came and killed Wears-Warbonnet.

1791-92:          Ištá Saŋní waŋ Sihásapa Wašíču Ikčéka ktépi (Eye One-Of-Two a Sole-Black Fat-Takes Common killed-they). The French killed One-Eye, a Sihásapa (Blackfeet; one of the seven Lakota tribes).

1792-93:          Ȟaȟátȟuŋwaŋ wíŋyaŋ heyáke šá uŋ waŋ ktépi (Waterfall-Village woman dress red a killed-they). They killed an Ojibwe woman wearing a red dress.

1793-94:          Ȟewáktokta nakúŋ Pȟadáni nakúŋ Miwátani ób kičhízapi, Wakpá Wašté éd, iyúhaŋ hú ópi eyápi (Hidatsa and Arikara and Mandan with fight-they, River Good at, everyone leg wounded say-they). They say they fought with the Hidatsa, Arikara, and Mandan at the Good River (presently the Cheyenne River), and everyone’s leg was wounded.

1794-95:          Šiyótȟaŋka Yuhá waŋ ahí ktépi (Flute Has a came-here killed-they). They came and killed Flute-Owner.

1795-96:          Ȟewáktokta nakúŋ Pȟadáni ób kičhízapi. Istó ópi eyápi. (Hidatsa and Arikara with fought-they. Arm wounded said-they). They say they fought with the Hidatsa and Arikara and everyone’s arms were wounded.

1796-97:          Wówapi waŋ makȟá kawíŋȟ hiyáyapi (Flag/book a earth to-turn-around came-and-passed-along-they). They brought a flag around the country. The image for this year is the British Union Jack flag.

1797-98:          Omáha yamní ktépi (Omaha three killed-they). They killed three Omaha.

1798-99:          Šuŋg pȟehíŋ tȟáŋka yedó (Horse mane big it-is-so). There was a horse with a big mane.

1799-1800:      Čhápa othí mníyaweyapi (Beaver dwelling water-found-they). They found water in a beaver’s den. 

1800-01:          Wičháȟaŋȟaŋ (Man-full-of-scabby-sores). Smallpox.

1801-02:          Šuŋgníni óta áwičakdipi (Horse-wild many captured-return-they). They returned with wild horses.

1802-03:          Šuŋg’ğúğuna áwičakdipi (Horse-curly-hair captured-return-they). They returned with curly-haired horses.

1803-04:          Šaké máza áwičakdipi (Hoof iron captured-return-they). They returned with iron shod horse/s.

1804-05:          Tȟasíŋte uŋ akíčhidowaŋpi (Their-tail using together-with-song-they). They sang in praise of one another using horse tails.

1805-06:          Šakdóğaŋ ahí wičáktepi (Eight came-here men-killed-they). They came and killed eight of them.

1806-07:          Tuŋwéya waŋ ktépi (Scout the killed-they). They killed a scout.

1807-08:          Napsíoȟdi mázazi tȟoká uŋ waŋ ktépi (Ring iron-yellow first wear a killed-they). They killed a man who was the first to wear brass rings.
             
1808-09:          Paháta í waŋ ktépi (To-the-hill on-account-of the killed they). They killed a man who went to the hill.

1809-10:          WíyakA tȟó ótapi iyéyapi waníyetu (Feather blue many-they found-they winter). That winter they found many blue feathers.

1810-11:          Wi’akhíniča pedó (Woman-to-have-a-dispute-over they-did). They had a dispute over a woman.

1811-12:          Šúŋkawakȟaŋ ská šuŋksímaza yuhá waŋ iyéyapi (Horse white hooves-iron had the found-they). They found a white horse wearing horseshoes.

1812-13:          Matȟó Čík’ada ahí ktépi (Bear Little came-here killed-they). They came and killed Little Bear.

1813-14:          Šákpe wičáktepi waníyetu kiŋ (Six them-killed-they winter the). They killed six that winter.

1814-15:          Thítȟuŋwaŋ ka Ȟewáktokta ób kičhízapi na nakúŋ Thítȟuŋwaŋ čhehúpa ópi (Teton there Hidatsa with fight-they and also Teton jaw wound). The Teton fought the Hidatsa and a Lakota was shot in the jaw.

1815-16:          Núŋpa wakté akdí (Two to-have-killed-in-battle return). He returned with two war honors.

1816-17:          Pté sáŋ waŋ unktépi (Bison-cow creamy-white we-killed-they). They killed a white bison cow.

1817-18:          Pȟeháŋ Tȟó pȟá dúta waŋ yáŋkapi (Heron Blue head red look sat-they). They saw a blue crane with a red head.

1818-19:          Makȟóšiča Našdí (Across-the-country-bad to-have-pustules). An epidemic of measles.

1819-20:          Čhozé čhaŋpúpuŋ uŋ thikáğA (Čhozé [Joseph] wood-dry/rotten live to-pitch-a-lodge). A man they called Čhozé [Joseph] built a cabin using dry-rotted wood.

1820-21:          Kȟaŋğí óta t’Ápi (Crow many died-they). Many crows died.

1821-22:          Wičháȟpi waŋ hotȟúŋ hiyáyA (Star a cried-out pass-by). A star cried out as it passed by.

1822-23:          Ȟewáktokta yámni wátamahE wičáktepi (Hidatsa three in-a-boat them-killed-they). They killed three Hidatsa in a boat.

1823-24:          Wahúwapa šéča ȟápi waníyetu kiŋ (Ears-of-corn dried bury-they winter the). That winter they cached parched ears of corn.

1824-25:          Ȟaȟátȟuŋwaŋ ób kičhízapi. Čhaŋkáškapi yuȟdéčapi ([Water] Fall-dwellers with fight-they. Fence-fortification to-tear-apart-they). They fought with the Chippewa. They tore their palisades to pieces.

1825-26:          Mní wičhát’E (Water many-dead). Dead bodies in the water.

1826-27:          Máğana iwáktekdi kiŋ (Garden [Little] returned-victorious-having-done-killing-in-battle the). Little Garden returned with war honors.

1827-28:          Wičháakiȟ’aŋ na wičháša čheȟpí yútA, Isáŋyathi (Starvation and people flesh to-eat-something, Santee). In their desperate hunger, the Santee ate their own.

1828-29:          Ógde Dúta, Pȟadáni, ktépi (Red Shirt, an Arikara, was killed).

1829-30:          Makhú Šá čhaŋkáğa thípi káğA Hiŋháŋ Wakpá éd (Breast-bone Red trimmed-logs lodge to-build Owl River at). Red Breast built a cabin on Owl River (Moreau River).

1830-31:          Wónase adówaŋpi kiŋ (Bison-Chase/Hunt Singing-for-they the). They sang for Buffalo Chase.

1831-32:          Pȟadáni ób kičhízapi kiŋ. Šagdóğaŋ wičáktepi. (Arikara with fight-they the. Eight them-killed-they). They fought with the Arikara. The Arikara killed eight of the Dakȟóta.

1832-33:          Hú KsahÁŋ mníwakȟaŋ iyéya na yatkáŋyaŋ t’Á (Leg Broken/Severed water-with-energy to-do-suddenly and drinking died). Broken Leg found whiskey and died drinking it.

1833-34:          Wičháȟpi hiŋȟpáya (Star-Nation to-fall-down). The stars fell down.

1834-35:          Matȟó kičhí waníthipi, Čhaŋté Wakpá éd (Bear with winter-camp, Heart River at). They made winter camp with a bear, at Heart River.

1835-36:          Wičhíyena óta wičhákasotapi waníyetu (Wičhíyena many massacre-they winter). Many Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna (Yanktonai) were massacred that winter.

1836-37:          Wapȟáha Iyúsdohetoŋ waníyetu, Pȟadáni Wakpá éd (Warbonnet Trailing-tail winter, Arikara River at). Warbonnet with trailer winter, at Grand River.

1837-38:          Wičháȟaŋȟaŋ (Smallpox). Smallpox.

1838-39:          Pȟóžaŋžaŋ pté sáŋ kté (To-sniff-as-an-animal-does-the-wind female-bison creamy-white killed). Sniffer killed a white bison cow.

1839-40:          Ištá Máza ktépi, Waáŋataŋ (Eye/s Iron killed-they, He-Rushes-To-Attack). They killed Iron Eyes, The Charger.

1840-41:          Tȟámina Wé iwáktekdi kiŋ, Pȟadáni (His-Knife Blood returned-with-war-honors the, Arikara). His Bloody Knife returned with war honors against the Arikara.

1841-42:          Psaóhaŋpi (Snowshoes).

1842-43:          Tȟatȟáŋka Oyé Wakȟáŋ t’Á. Wakhéya kdézena uŋ wičháknakapi. (Bison-Bull Tracks With-Energy died. Lodge striped using above-the-ground [buried]-they). Holy Buffalo Tracks dies. They laid him to rest in a striped thípi.

1843-44:          Dé thiyópa šá othí pté akhú (This lodge-door red to-dwell bison brought-home).  A red thípi door brought the bison.

1844-45:          Makȟóšiča Nawíčašdi (Epidemic measles). There was an epidemic of measles.

1845-46:          Pȟadáni Waȟpé Šá, Wičhíyena, čhaŋkpé ópi (Arikara Leaf Red, Wičhíyena, Knee wound/shot). An Arikara wounded an Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna named Red Leaf in the knee.

1846-47:          Tȟatȟáŋka Pȟá ištíŋmA t’Á (Bison-bull Head sleep died). Bull Head died in his sleep. This was the father of Lt. Henry Bullhead who killed Sitting Bull.

1847-48:          Ȟaŋtéčhaŋ Wakpá na Píğa Wakpá ožáte éd waníthipi. Wašíču wiínaȟbe kičhí waníthi. (Cedar Creek and Boiling Creek forks at winter-camp-they. Takes-The-Fat seducer-of-women with winter-camp). They established winter camp where the Cedar River and Boiling River converge. A white man, a seducer of women, camped the winter with them.

1848-49:          Pȟadáni na Wičhíyena kičhí čhapȟápi (Arikara and Wičhíyena with stabbed-they). An Arikara and an Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna stabbed each other.

1849-50:          Wakíŋyaŋ Yuhá, Wičhíyena, čhaŋkȟáğathipi mahé t’Á (Thunder Has, Wičhíyena, wood-cut-lodge inside died). Has Thunder, an Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna, died in a log cabin.

1850-51:          Wópȟetȟuŋ waŋ Wičhíyena ópi. Matȟó Núŋpa thíŋktes’a t’eyÁ (Trader a Wičhíyena wound. Bear Two murderer-would-be caused-to-die). An Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna wounds a trader. Two Bear puts the would-be murderer to death.

1851-52:          Heȟáka Dúta kičhí waníthipi, Pȟadáni (Elk Red with winter-camp, Arikara). Red Elk, an Arikara, camped with them that winter.

1852-53:          Psaóhaŋpi (Snowshoes). Snowshoes.

1853-54:          Hé Tópa uŋ waŋ ktépi (Horn/s Four wearing a killed-they). They killed a man wearing a headdress with four horns.

1854-55:          Wičhíyena Hóhe ób kičhízapi kiŋ. Makȟá Sáŋ Wakpá éd. WahíŋtkA ktépi. (Wičhíyena Assiniboine with fight-they the. Earth Creamy-White River at. Scraper killed-they). The Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna fought with the Assiniboine. They were at White Earth River. They killed Scraper.

1855-56:          Phuthíŋ Ská wawáhoye kiŋ (Beard White to-order-things the). White Beard [General William Harney] gave the order.

They were at Čhúŋaške (Fort Pierre) that winter. White Beard called a council and treated with them. They wintered with him.

1856-57:          Wičhíyena Hóhe ób kičhízapi kiŋ. Mníyaye Zí ktépi (Wičhíyena Assiniboine with fight-they the. Water-carrier Yellow killed-they). The Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna fought with the Assiniboine. They killed Yellow Water-Carrier.

1857-58:          Tȟóka, Pȟadáni Miwátani Ȟewáktokta, Wičhíyena ób kičhízapi. Wičhíyena šákpe ktépi (Enemy, Arikara Mandan Hidatsa, Wičhíyena with fight-they. Wičhíyena six killed-they). The Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna fought against the enemy force of Arikara, Mandan, and Hidatsa. They killed six Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna.

1858-59:          Waŋbdí Hoȟpí t’Á (Eagle Nest died). Eagle Nest died.

1859-60:          Šúŋka HáŋskA ktépi (Dog Long killed-they). They killed Long Dog.

1860-61:          Tȟaŋčháŋ WíyakA YukȟÁŋ, Wičhíyena, čhuwíta t’Á (Body Feather To-Be, Wičhíyena, to-be-cold die). Feather On His Body, an Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna, died from the cold.

1861-62:          Čhaŋté Wakpá othípi (Heart River to-camp-they). They camped at Heart River.

1862-63:          Hóhe wikčémna núŋpa wičáktepi (Assiniboine ten two them-killed-they). They killed twenty Assiniboine.

1863-64:          Akíčhita Pȟá Tȟáŋka kaškápi. Kdí na t’Á (Soldier/s Head Big imprisoned. Return and die). Soldiers imprisoned Big Head. He returned and died.

1864-65:          Tȟáȟča Óta ahí wóokhiye káğA (Deer Many came-here peace to-make). Many Deer (Gen. Henry Maynadier) came and made peace.

Blue Thunder: Soldiers made camp [Fort Rice, ND] to made a treaty with the Wičhíyena but  the Wičhíyena ran off and the soldiers took three of them as prisoners. Their leader, IyÁ Wičákȟa (The One Who Speaks The Truth), the father of Two Bear, was among the three.

1865-66:          Pȟatkâša Pȟá čhapȟÁ t’ekíyA (Jugular-vein-scarlet Head [Western Painted Turtle] stab to-cause-one’s-own-death). Turtle Head was stabbed to death.

Blue Thunder: They were camping at Kaȟmíčhiŋka (River Bends Back Upon Itself; Big Bend, SD).

1866-67:          Phizí čhapȟápi (Gall stabbed-they). They stabbed Gall.

Blue Thunder: Phizí tried to make peace at Fort Rice [Berthold], but soldiers stabbed him, twice in the body and once in the neck. He had not done anything bad. He and Grass (Matȟó Watȟákpe; Charging Bear) went there together to talk with the head soldier (Capt. Adams Bassett).

1867-68:          Čháŋ Ičú čhiŋkšítku núŋpapi čhuwíta t’ápi. Waníyetu osní. (Wood Takes son/s two-they to-be-cold died-they. Winter cold.)  He Takes Wood and his two sons froze to death. The winter was cold.

1868-69:          Máni Dúta, Šinásapa, ahí wóokhiye káğA (Walk Red, Robe-black, came-here peace to-make). Fr. De Smet, a Jesuit (Black Robe), came to make peace with Walks In Red (Gall).

Blue Thunder: Fr. De Smet, a Catholic priest, came to make a treaty with the Thítȟuŋwaŋ. Blue Thunder brought twenty Húŋkphapȟa under Gall to Fort Rice to entice them to sign the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868. When they arrived at Fort Rice, the soldiers took Gall prisoner then let word spread that they were going to hang him. Two Bear protested. The soldiers stripped Gall then beat him before releasing him. The Thítȟuŋwaŋ were angered at this. There would be no peace, nor trust.

1869-70:          Núŋpa čhaŋ mnayáŋpi wičáktepi, Pȟadáni (Two wood gathering killed-they, Arikara). They killed an Arikara couple who were out gathering wood.

1870-71:          Šúŋkawakȟaŋ óta mní t’ápi. Šúŋkawakȟaŋ wičhóthi okáwiŋȟ khuwápi. (Horse many water died-they. Horse camp-around chased-they.) Many horses drowned. They chased horses around the camp.

Blue Thunder: Winter camp at Pȟadáni Wakpá (Grand River). A flood drowned many horses which were tied to the trees for shelter that night.
Blue Thunder variants I-III: At Grand River. Many horses died in a flood. The Húŋkphápȟa were camping between the Rosebud River and Fast Horse Creek. The Crow came and stole nearly all the horses. They chased the horses through the camp.

1871-72:          Wašíču waŋ Nasú ikčéka kté (Takes-The-Fat a Brain common killed). Brain, a Lakȟóta, killed a white man.

Blue Thunder variants I-III: A Dakȟóta they called Brain killed a white man. The Blue Thunder winter count and variants I-III all depict a man dressed as a white man, but with long hair, and wearing a wawóslata wanáp’iŋ (a hair-pipe breastplate), with an arrow in his side.

1872-73:          Túwe Tȟatȟáŋka Nážiŋ kté (Someone Bison-Bull Stand kill). Someone killed Standing Buffalo (Bull).

1873-74:          Hokšída Akíčhita, Ziŋtkáda ŠíčA, tuŋwéya Dakȟóta waŋ wašíču ikčéka ktépi, Psíŋ Otȟúŋwahe éd (Boy Soldier, Bird Bad, scout Dakȟóta a Takes-The-Fat common killed-they, Wild-Rice Village at). Soldier boy, Bad Bird, Dakȟóta scout was killed by the whites, at Wild Rice Village (Fort Rice, DT).

Blue Thunder: The whites killed Bad Bird, a Dakȟóta scout.
Blue Thunder winter count and variants II & III: Bad Bird is depicted wearing a hat with his name, a black bird, above his head. In the variant I, he is depicted wearing a small feather “dream headdress” upon the back of his head.

1874-75:          Ité Omáğažu kaškápi, Čhanté Wakpá Akíčhita Otȟúŋwahe éd (Face It-Rains-Into imprison-they, Heart River Soldier Camp at). Rain In The Face was imprisoned at Fort Abraham Lincoln, DT.

1875-76:          Mníwakȟáŋ Iyéyapi (Water-with-energy [whiskey] found-they). They found whisky.

Blue Thunder: They found a keg of whiskey near the shore at Íŋyaŋ Bosdáta Akíčhita Otȟúŋwahe (Standing Rock Soldier Village; Fort Yates, DT). They had a council and drank it all up.

1876-77:          Šuŋk’akaŋyaŋkapi akíčhita tȟašúŋkawakȟaŋpi oyás’iŋ waíč’iyápi (Horse-riding-they soldiers horses-belonging-to-them all-of-a-kind to-take-things-they). The cavalry took all their horses.

Blue Thunder and all the variants: Horse soldiers confiscated all of their horses at Fort Yates. This was in retaliation for the loss of General Custer and the 7thCavalry the previous summer.

1877-78:          Matȟó Tȟamáheča čhaŋkȟáğathipi mahéd t’Á (Bear Lean log-lodge inside died). Lean Bear died in a log cabin.

1877-78:          Matȟó Núŋpa t’Á (Bear Two died). Chief Two Bear died.

1878-79:          GnaškíŋyAŋ Máni wayázaŋ (To-Be-Raging-Mad/Crazy Walk to-be-sick). Crazy Walker was sick.
           
Blue Thunder variant: Crazy Walker was so sick they carried him in a blanket to another lodge. He got well again.

1879-80:          Pȟá ȞuğáhAŋ wakȟáŋ wóhaŋpi káğA (Head Dented/Broken-Into with-energy feast-they to-make). Broken Head made a sacred feast that winter.

1880-81:          Itázipa Dúta iná t’Á (Bow Red mother died). Red Bow’s mother died.

1881-82:          Ziŋtkáda Čík’ada uŋgnúhaŋna t’Á (Bird Little suddenly/unexpectedly died). Little Bird died suddenly.

1882-83:          Tȟatȟáŋka Dúta t’Á (Bison-Bull Red died). Red Bull died.

1884-85:          Wasú Dúta čhuŋwíŋtku t’Á (Hail Red daughter died). Red Hail’s daughter died.

1885-86:          Hé Núŋpa WaníčA wakȟáŋ wóhaŋpi tȟáŋka káğA (Horn Two There-Is-None with-energy feast big to-make). No Two Horns made a large ceremonial feast.
           
No Two Horns made a big feast in the winter in memory of his sister who had passed away the previous summer.

1886-87:          Matȟó Núŋpa huŋká waŋžítku t’Á, Čhečá Yámni ečíyapi (Bear Two ceremoniously-adopted one-his died, Thighs Three name-they). Two Bear’s ceremonially adopted brother, whom they called Three Thighs, died.

1887-88:          Matȟó Witkó wačhípi thitȟáŋka othí (Bear Crazy/Foolish dance-they lodge-big dwell). Fool Bear held a dance in a large lodge where he dwelt.

1888-89:          Šaké Waŋblí kaškápi t’Á (Claw Eagle imprisoned died). Eagle Claw died in captivity.
           
No Two Horns says this was in Fort Yates, DT; Blue Thunder says this was in Mandan, DT. Both No Two Horns and Blue Thunder list an alternate name of Frosted Red Fish for Eagle Claw.

1889-90:          Wáğačhaŋ, Wičhíyena itȟáŋčhaŋ t’Á (Cottonwood, Wičhíyena chief died). Cottowood, an Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna chief, died.

1890-91:          Tȟatȟáŋka Íyotake ktépi (Bison-Bull Sitting-Down killed they). They killed Sitting Bull.

1891-92:          Mázaska yámni waŋžígži wičhák’u (Iron-white three each-one-apiece them-give). $3.00 to each person.

1892-93:          Šúŋkawakȟaŋ khí mázaska wikčémna tópa otóiyohi (Horse take-away iron-white ten four each-and-every-one). $40.00 for each horse taken away.

1893-94:          Mázaska hokšída šuŋg’yúslohAŋ t’Á (“Money” boy horse-drag-along die).
A boy was dragged to death by a horse at the Mandan Rodeo. His name was Mázaska (Silver or “Money”). He was twelve years old.

1894-95:          Wakhéya Áya t’Á (Tent To-There-From-Here died). Carries The Lodge died.

1895-96:          Tȟáisto KsÁ t’Á (His-Arm Cut-Off died). His Arm Cut Off  (H.S. Parkins) died.

1896-97:          PažípA t’Á. Pȟá Tȟáŋka čhiŋkšítku. (To-Sting died. Head Big son.) To-Sting died. He was Big Head’s son.

1897-98:          Nağí Wakȟáŋ t’Á (Soul With-Energy died). Holy Soul died.

1898-99:          Matȟó Héya t’Á (Bear Louse died). Louse Bear died.

1899-1900:      Matȟó Ȟotá tȟabkápsičapi t’Á. Mandan Fair éd. (Bear Grey to-strike-a-ball-with-a-bat-they died. Mandan Fair at.) Grey Bear died playing shinny. At the Mandan Fair.

1900-01:          Wapȟáha Wašté owíŋža mahé ğú (Warbonnet Good/Pretty bed in burn). Pretty Warbonnet was burned in bed.

1901-02:          Wapȟóštaŋ t’Á. (To-put-something-on-one’s-head died). Hat died.
                        Hat, a policeman, died.

1902-03:          Matȟó Ȟóta úŋtȟuŋ, hú kašúžA, hú ksÁ, t’Á (Bear Grey injure, leg broke, leg cut-off, died). Grey Bear’s injury was a broken leg, which was removed, then he died.

1903-04:          Šúŋka Čík’ada t’á (Dog Little died). Little Dog died.

1904-05:          Waŋbdí Ská t’á (Eagle White died). White Eagle died.

1905-06:          Matȟó SápA ktépi (Bear Black killed-they). Black Bear was killed.

1906-07:          Joe Tomahawk ič’ikte (Joe Tomahawk to-kill-oneself). Joe Tomahawk committed suicide.

1907-08:          Makȟá Wiŋ t’Á (Earth Woman died). Earth Woman died.

1908-09:          Matȟó Núŋpa iná t’Á (Bear Two mother died). Two Bear’s mother died.

1909-10:          Maȟpíya Kiŋy'Aŋ kaškA, Akíčita Háŋska Otȟúŋwahe éd (Cloud Flying imprison, Soldier Long Village at). Flying Cloud was imprisoned at Fort Yates.

1910-11:          Matȟó Waŋkátuya t’Á (Bear On-High died). High Bear died.

1911-12:          Matȟó Čhuwíyuksa t’Á (Bear From-The-Waist-Up died). Half Body Bear [Bear Vest?] died. He was known in English as Bear Coat.

1912-13:          Šúŋka Dúta tȟawíča t’Á (Dog Red his-wife died). Red Dog’s wife died.

1913-14:          Akíčita huŋkádowaŋpi waníyetu (Soldier to-have-for-a-relative-singing-over-they winter). That winter they adopted a soldier (Col. A.B. Welch).

The Chandler-Pohrt Winter Count

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The Chandler-Pohrt Winter Count (above) is housed at the Detroit Institute of Arts. It was created by an unknown artist at the beginning of the reservation era in North Dakota. Image courtesy of the Detroit Institute of Arts
Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna Dakȟóta Waníyetu Wówapi
The Chandler-Pohrt Winter Count Revisited
Edited by Dakota Wind
Fort Totten, N.D. – The Chandler-Pohrt Winter Count was acquired by Mr. Milford G. Chandler in the 1930s on the Spirit Lake Nation Reservation (formerly the Devils Lake Sioux Indian Reservation). The keeper of this winter count is unknown. This particular winter count contains events that relate mostly to the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna Dakȟóta (Yanktonai) and the Huŋkphápȟa Lakȟóta peoples from 1823 to 1919.

Today, the Spirit Lake Nation is made up of some Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋ (Yankton) and Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna who were invited onto the reservation some years following the 1863 Sibley Punitive Campaign, but is mostly comprised of Sisíthuŋwaŋ (Sisseton), and Waȟpêthuŋwaŋ (Wahpeton) Dakȟóta people for whom the reservation was founded.

In 1998, Dr. Linea Sundstrom rendered an interpretation of the Chandler-Pohrt Winter Count. Her interpretation is currently online on the St. Francis Indian Mission website. It is re-transcribed here as follows: the year, the first line of text is as it was recorded using Missionary Dakota, the Missionary Dakota re-written using the Lakota Language Consortium standard orthography, a word for word translation, a free translation, and then any additional information or commentary.

1823
Wahuwas·eca ih·anpi.
Wahúwas ečhá iȟápi.
Ear-Of-Corn deliberately to-bury-something-they.
They cached ears of corn.

This year’s event refers to the Arikara War of 1823, in which Colonel Leavenworth led the Missouri Legion (soldiers, artillery, and even the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna and Thítȟuŋwaŋ) in the first ever US punitive military campaign against a Plains Indian tribe, the Arikara.

About 700-750 of the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ fought under Leavenworth’s command in this Missouri Legion. At the end of the campaign, when the Arikara were utterly defeated and chased out of their villages, their fields of corn were seized by the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ for their use[1].

1824 
Wah·pes·a conkas·ke kii.
Waȟpé Šá čhúŋkaške khí.
Leaf Red Fence/Fortification to-take-away-something-from-somebody.
Red Leaf took a fort.

Red Leaf, an Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna chief, is mentioned in the Blue Thunder Winter Count in the entry for 1845 when he was injured in a fight with an Arikara.

1825 Miniwicata.
Mní wičhát’A.
Water many-died.
Many drowned.

This was at Horse Head Bottom, also known as Gayton’s Crossing[2].

They were camping on the bottomlands of the Mníšoše that spring when an unprecedented rise of water quickly drowned over one half of the people. They say that this happened on the east bank of the river, opposite of the mouth of the Cannonball River. The Dakȟóta call this place Étu Pȟá Šuŋg t’Á (Lit. Place Head Horse Dead; Dead Horse Head Point) because, following the flood, the shore was lined with dead horse heads. They had corralled their horses for the night and nearly all were drowned but for a few[3].

Howard’s interpretation of this event mentions that over one-half of the people drowned[4]. Howard’s informant, Mr. Pete Big eagle, places this event not in North Dakota, but instead at White Swan Creek located near present-day Pickstown, SD on the Yankton Indian Reservation[5].

1826
Tas·pan ojued wanitipi.
Tȟaspáŋ Ožú éd waníthipi.
Apple To-Plant-Something at winter-camp.
They established winter camp at Apple Orchard.

Apple Orchard, or Apple Creek is located around present-day Bismarck, ND area. The creek is known as Tȟaspáŋla Wakpála (Lit. “Little Apple Creek”) for the wild Hawthorn trees. The fruit, or thornapple, are called tȟaspáŋla, which means “little apple.”

The Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna returned to Tȟaspáŋ Ožú time and again. It was a favorite place to winter, specifically mentioned in 1777, 1826, and 1861 for that purpose[6].

1827 
Isanyati akikantapi.
Isáŋyathi akíȟ’aŋt’api.
Santee to-die-of-starvation-them.
Many of the Eastern Dakota died of starvation.

1828 
Kiyahiyaze istasapi kici kicio.
Khiyé ahí yazé istášapi kičhí kíčio
Near to-come-here to-pull-with-the-teeth arm-red-they with to-shoot-and-hit-something-for-someone.
Someone close came, fought hand-to-hand, was wounded, and shot.

The pictograph for this year indicates that the wounded one’s name is possibly Ziŋtkála SápA (Lit. “Black Bird”), as evidenced by a rather plain black bird flying above him. The Mnikȟówožu winter counts Bush, Lone Dog, and Swan, along with the Sa’úŋ (northern Thítȟuŋwaŋ - Teton - Lakȟóta, in this case, the Itázipčho and Oóhenuŋpa) winter count kept by The Flame, all refer to a fight this year involving a man named Dead Arm who was stabbed in the arm by a Mandan Indian.

1829 
Kanpi kicitipi.
Kánapi kičhí thípi.
Way-over-there-them with reside-there-they.
They camped with them way over there.

The traditional territory of the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋ (Yankton) and Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna (Yanktonai) lay between the Mníšoše (The Water-Astir; “Missouri River”) and the Čhaŋsáŋsaŋ Wakpá (White Birch River; “James River”) in present day North Dakota and South Dakota. The Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna dwelt north of the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋ. Their northern most territory boundary lay from the mouth of the Čháŋté Wakpá (Heart River) and Mní Wakȟáŋ (Spirit Lake).

The image suggests that the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna travelled far to trade with a trader (the cabin) and wintered there with him (the thípi next to the cabin).

The Mnikȟówožu were living along the Wakpá Wašté (Good River; “Cheyenne River”) at this time. The Mnikȟówožu winter counts by Lone Dog and Thin Elk recall the arrival of the trader F.A. Chardon. Chardon established a trade post on what became known as Makȟóthi Wakpála (Earthlodge Creek) at Pahá Čhaŋ Igná YaŋkÁ (Hill In The Woods) along Makhízita Wakpá (Lit. “White Dirt River;” White River)[7]. Today, Makȟóthi Wakpála is known as Makȟásaŋ Wakpála (Lit. “Creamy-White-Earth Creek;” Whiteclay Creek).

The location of Chardon’s trading post lay between the historic territories of the Mnikȟówožu and Oóhenuŋpa Lakȟóta peoples. The site of the trading post lay within the borders of the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation.

1830
Hewatamahica wicaktepi.
Ȟewák tȟamáheča wičáktepi.
Arikara [Ȟewák being a contraction of Ȟewáktotka] lean/skinny/poor men-killed-they.
They killed some poor Arikara.

According to the Blue Thunder Winter Counts and the White Bull Winter Count the Dakȟóta fought against the Arikara; the Arikara killed eight of the Dakȟóta in the fight.

1831
Wicasa num kiciktepi.
Wičháša núm kičhí ktépi.
Man two with killed-they.
Two men killed each other.

The pictograph for this year depicts two ikčéya wičháša, two common men, indicating that it was two Dakȟóta men who were killed this year.

1832 
Titankaobdica.
Thí tȟáŋka obdéča.
Lodge big square-sides.
A big cabin.

The High Dog Winter Count recalls the year as Thí tȟáŋka obléča káğapi (Lodge big square-sides built-they), that they built a large cabin that year. It was the first time a log cabin was built by a Lakȟóta.

1833 
Wicahpi hinhpaya.
Wičháȟpi hiŋȟpáya.
Nation-star to-fall-down.
The stars fell down.

Beede’s informants told him the Lakȟóta feared that Wakȟáŋ Tȟáŋka (the Great Mystery) had lost control over creation[8].

1834
Mato wan kiciwanitipi.
Matȟó waŋ kičhí waníthipi.
Bear a with winter-camp.
They wintered with a bear.

Blue Thunder and No Two Horns say that the Dakȟóta camped with a bear that winter at Čháŋté Wakpá (Heart River).


1835
Iktonwanotawica kasatapi.
Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna wičhákasotapi.
Yanktonai massacre-they.
Many Yanktonai were killed [in battle].

There was a battle between the Wazíkhute (Lit. “Pine-Shooters”) band of Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna against a war party of Pȟadáni (Arikara) and Miwátani (Mandan).

The depiction of the Hupáwaheyuŋpi (Lit. “Poles Pack-things-up-to-travel”) indicates that this wasn’t a hunting expedition, but perhaps an envoy including women and even children, non-combatants, on their way to the next camp or perhaps on their way to trade or treat with another tribe.

The Cranbrook Winter Count, a Huŋkphápȟa winter count, recalls this year as the massacre of a Lakȟóta peace party. The High Dog Winter Count, generally a Huŋkphápȟa winter count but also includes Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna information, has that the dead Lakȟóta peace party members were brought back on travois. The Blue Thunder Winter Count says that twelve Dakȟóta died in this conflict. The Butterfly Winter Count, a Mandan winter count, recalls the the deaths of thirty Dakȟóta though they probably counted the ones they wounded in battle as dead.

1836
S·aketepa wokiye wicatipi.
Šaké Tópa wókhiye wičháktepi.
Hoof Four to-make-peace men-killed-they.
They killed Four Hoof a member of a peace delegation.

Only Four Hoof is identified of the two figures depicted in this year’s entry. It is possible that this year’s entry is related to the previous year in that it involved a peace delegation with either the Arikara, Mandan, and/or the Hidatsa.

1837
Wicah·anh·an tanka.
Wičáȟaŋȟaŋ tȟáŋka.
Smallpox big.
There was an epidemic of smallpox.

There was an epidemic of smallpox which struck the Upper Missouri River in 1837. It was most deadly among the sedentary tribes like the Arikara, Hidatsa, and Mandan. Nomadic tribes like the Thítȟuŋwaŋ (Lit. “Dwellers-On-The-Plains;” Teton) were not as heavily affected by the disease.

The steamboat, S.S. Saint Peter, knowingly spread the smallpox threat to all the people it came into contact, particularly the native people who had little immunity to this deadly disease. By summer’s end, all the tribes living in the Missouri River basin or nearby were affected[9].

1838
Akiwicah·anh·an.
Akhé wičáȟaŋȟaŋ.
Again smallpox.
Smallpox again.

The Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna winter count by Roan Bear details that many people died from pȟózaŋ (lit. “Head-Sickness”). It is possible that this year’s entry recalls hemorrhagic smallpox, of which the first stage includes headache, fever, chills, nausea, vomiting, and severe muscle aches[10].

1839
Maza is·taya wanktepi.
Máza Ištáya waŋ ktépi.
Iron Eyes-In-A-State-Of the killed-they.
They killed Iron Eyes (lit. “Glasses”).

This was the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna chief otherwise known as Waáŋataŋ (lit. “He-Rushes-To-Attack;” The Charger) who was assassinated by one of his own people. He has fought in the War of 1812 as a young man, where he acquired the name “The Charger[11].” Towards the end of his life he favored wearing non-native attire, and even took to wearing green spectacles, from which his new name, “Iron Eyes,” was derived[12]. He died in the winter camp of the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna along Čhápa Wakpá (lit. “Beaver Creek”) in present-day Emmons County, N.D[13].

1840
Tamina wewe ktepi.
Tȟámina Wéwe ktépi.
His-Knife Blood-blood killed-they.
They killed His Bloody Knife.

This year refers to the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋ chief His Bloody Knife, not the Huŋkphápȟa-Pȟadáni mixed blood Bloody Knife who served in the Fort McKeen Detachment of U.S. Indian Scouts at Fort Abraham Lincoln, and who died in the Reno Fight of the Little Bighorn.

The John K. Bear Winter Count details the victorious return of His Bloody Knife[14].

Blue Thunder says: Tȟámina Wé iwáktekdi kiŋ, Pȟadáni (His-Knife Blood returned-with-war-honors the, Arikara). His Bloody Knife returned with war honors against the Arikara. This was at the mouth of the Íŋyaŋwakağapi Wakpá (Stone-Make-For-Themselves River), or Cannonball River[15].

1841
Wicas·a itancan wan ktepi.
Wičháša itȟáŋčhaŋ waŋ ktépi.
Man chief in-particular killed-they.
They killed a chief.

The High Dog Winter Count refers to the death of a Hóhe (Assiniboine) this year named Ošpúla[16] (lit. “Cuttings,” or “Leavings”).

1842
Wakeya hdezena oti wankan.
Wakhéya kdézena othí wakȟáŋ.
Lodge striped to-dwell-within with-energy.
Dwelling within a sacred striped.

The Blue Thunder Winter Count calls this year: Tȟatȟáŋka Oyé Wakȟáŋ t’Á. Wakhéya kdézena uŋ wičháknakapi. (Bison-Bull Tracks With-Energy died. Lodge striped using above-the-ground [buried]-they). Holy Buffalo Tracks dies. They laid him to rest in a striped thípi[17].

1843
Wasicun maza wadowan.
Wašíčuŋ máza wadówaŋ.
Takes-The-Fat Metal to-sing-over-someone.
Iron White Man was sung over.

The alówaŋ, or alówaŋpi, is a ceremony involving singing over individual/s and ascribing status to him/her/them. Some people are sung over, honored, for deeds which have benefited the community. A person might be sung over and formally adopted by a family.

1844
Winyan was anog·uta.
Wíŋyaŋ waŋ oná ğú t’A.
Woman in-particular prairie-fire burned died.
A woman died died of burns from a prairie fire.

The Medicine Bear Winter Counts entry for this year recalls the same incident: Wíŋyaŋ onákte (woman prairie-fire-killed). A woman died in a prairie fire[18].

1845 
Hunkawoqinyuta.
Huŋká wóniŋ yútA.
An-adopted-person sang to-eat-something.
A beggar was adopted and fed.

The Medicine Bear Winter Count entry for this year says: Huŋkádowaŋpi (Singing-over-a-relative-they). They sang over someone in ceremony and made a relative[19].

The High Dog entry for 1846 says: Tabú’bu alówaŋpi (Something-Large-And-Unknown sang-over-someone-they). They sang in honor over a man they called Something Large. This one man, entirely alone, defended the staff, the Lakȟóta flag, against great odds in combat against the Crow[20].

Rev. Eugene Beuchel’s “Lakota English Dictionary” translates Tabú’bu as “something large and big that no one ever saw,” but also describes this particular word as when children pile robes on another child so that the one child becomes something big. It may be this last that describes this one man’s battle the Crow, against great odds that none could describe, and he came out victorious[21].

James H. Howard interprets Tabú’bu as “Humpback,” and the pictograph to represent Huŋkálowaŋpi (Adopted-person-singing-over-they), in which the quirt behind one figure is taking the other figure as his relative[22].

The pictograph for this entry seems to support that this man who was adopted was indeed hunch backed. The Cranbrook Winter Count (Huŋkphápȟa) notes an adopted man was also known as His Horse Runs[23].

1846
S·unkakan hih·dokapi.
Šuŋk’ákaŋ hiŋkdókapi.
On-horseback to-suddenly-happen-as-it-were-they.
A rider unexpectedly brought horses to them.

The Medicine Bear Winter Count entry for this year says: Šuŋg’híŋzi áwičakdipi (Horse-teeth-yellow captured-return-they). They brought back horses with yellow teeth[24].

The pictograph depicts a black horse with a white face.

1847
Was·icun num wopeton yankapi.
Wašíčuŋ núm wópȟetȟuŋ yaŋkápi.
Take-the-fat two to-buy-things to-sit-they.
Two white traders sat [camped] with them.

The Medicine Bear Winter Count entry for this year says: Wašíču nuŋpá kičhí waníthi (Takes-The-Fat two with winter-camp). Two white traders camped with them that winter[25].

Blue Thunder says: Ȟaŋtéčhaŋ Wakpá na Píğa Wakpá ožáte éd waníthipi. Wašíču wiínaȟbe kičhí waníthi. (Cedar Creek and Boiling Creek forks at winter-camp-they. Takes-The-Fat seducer-of-women with winter-camp). They established winter camp where the Cedar River and Boiling River converge. A white man, a seducer of women, camped that winter with them[26].

1848
Odowan wanji kicikici kte.
Odówaŋ waŋží kičhíkičhi kté.
Song One to-one-another killed.
One Song and another killed each other.

Medicine Bear says: Kičhí ktépi (Each-other killed-they). They killed each other[27].

Blue Thunder says: Pȟadáni na Wičhíyena kičhí čhapȟápi (Arikara and Wičhíyena with stabbed-they). An Arikara and an Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna stabbed each other[28].

The pictograph for this entry shows men with rifles, not knives.

1849
Titanka osniyata.
Thí tȟáŋka osníyata.
Lodge big cold-at/in-[the].
A big cabin when it was cold.

Medicine Bear says: WatȟókhiyopȟeyA čhúŋkaške éd waníthipi (To-Trade fort at winter-camp). They wintered at a trading post[29].

Blue Thunder says: Wakíŋyaŋ Yuhá, Wičhíyena, čhaŋkȟáğathipi mahé t’Á (Thunder Has, Wičhíyena, wood-cut-lodge inside died). Has Thunder, an Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna, died in a log cabin[30].

1850
Witkonasa was·icun wan kte.
Witkó NasÁ wašíčuŋ waŋ kté.
Crazy To-chase-large-game-in-a-communal-hunt take-the-fat a killed.
Crazy Chase Hunter killed a white man.

Blue Thunder says: Wópȟetȟuŋ waŋ Wičhíyena ópi. Matȟó Núŋpa thíŋktes’a t’eyÁ (Trader a Wičhíyena wound. Bear Two murderer-would-be caused-to-die). An Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna stabbed a trader. Two Bear puts the would-be murderer to death. This happened at a camp below present-day Mandan, ND[31].

No Two Horns says: a Dakȟóta man shot/killed a white man with an arrow[32].

The entry for this year depicts a Dakȟóta shooting a trader [figure with a hat] in the back with his bow and arrow.

1851
Heh·aka duta kici wanitipi.
Heȟáka dúta kičhí waníthipi.
Bull-Elk Red with winter-camp.
Red Elk wintered with them.

Blue Thunder says that Red Elk was an Arikara. This was at Mní Nažúŋspe KawéğA (lit. “Water Axe Broken”), Broke Axe Lake, an Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna campsite located near present-day Washburn, ND[33].

Broke Axe Lake is what is commonly known as an “oxbow lake,” a former channel of the Missouri River. The name fell out of disuse and the site is now known as Painted Woods, whose name is derived from a tragic love story between a Mandan maiden and an Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna brave[34].

1852
Matowas·te pte hiko.
Matȟó Wašté ptehíko.
Bear Good bison-to-attract.
Good Bear called the bison. 

Medicine Bear says: Matȟó Wašté ečíyapi ptehíko (Bear Good called-them-by-name bison-to-attract). Good Bear called the bison[35].

Blue Thunder’s entry for this year simply says: Psaóhaŋpi (Snowshoes). Blue Thunder and the variants say that they wintered at a site east of Fort Berthold, a place called either “Corn Hill” or “Cave Hill.” They also hunted many bison that winter[36]. Many winter counts recite a hard or difficult winter.

Another possible name of this site is a “coal hill,” where small strip mines later removed the deposit, which is about six miles east of old Fort Berthold, nearly halfway between old Fort Berthold and Fort Stevenson[37].

1853 Hetopa wan ktepi.
Hé Tópa waŋ ktépi
Horn Four the killed-they.
They killed Four Horns.

Blue Thunder says: Hé tópa uŋ waŋ ktépi (Horn/s Four wearing a killed-they). They killed a man wearing a headdress with four horns. According to Blue Thunder, a lone Crow warrior wearing a four-horned headdress charged into a Lakȟóta war party and died a glorious death at Čhaȟlí Wakpá. Afterward, all the warriors who had participated in this fight took to wearing four-horned headdresses in memory of the Crow’s bravery and his last fight[38].

1854
Osnikicizapi.
Osní kičhízapi.
Cold battle-they.
They had a battle that winter.

Medicine Bear says: Waníyetu kičhízapi (Winter fight-they). They had a fight that winter[39].

Blue Thunder says: Wičhíyena Hóhe ób kičhízapi kiŋ. Makȟá Sáŋ Wakpá éd. WahíŋtkA ktépi. (Wičhíyena Assiniboine with fight-they the. Earth Creamy-White River at. Scraper killed-they). The Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna fought with the Assiniboine. They were at White Earth River. They killed Scraper. Blue Thunder further says that this was at Fort Berthold[40].

1855
Putihinska waaks·ija.
Phuthíŋ Ská waáŋkičiya.
Beard White cared-for-with-them.
They took care of White Beard.

High Dog says: This was Gen. Harney who went to make peace with the Oóhenuŋpa (Two Kettle), Húŋkpathi (Lower Yankton), Huŋkphápȟa, Sihásapa (Black-Soled Moccasins; Blackfeet Lakȟóta), Mnikȟówožu (Planters By The Stream), Itázipčho (Without-Bows; Sans Arc), Iháŋktȟuŋwanŋa, and Sičháŋğu (Burnt-Thigh; Brule), in March, 1856, so that settlers on the Oregon Trail might pass by unperturbed[41].

Medicine Bear says: Phuthíŋ Ská wawáhoye kiŋ (Beard White to-order-things the). White Beard [General William Harney] gave the order[42].

Blue Thunder says: Phuthíŋ Ská wawáhoye kiŋ (Beard White to-order-things the). White Beard [General William Harney] gave the order. They were at Čhúŋaške (Fort Pierre) that winter. White Beard called a council and treated with them. They wintered with him[43].

1856
Kangi wicas·an wan wapaha aykusapi.
Kȟaŋğí wičháša waŋ wapȟáha ayúk’ezapi.
Crow man/men the warbonnet on-something-to-shear-off-they.
They sheared a Crow man’s warbonnet [off his head].

The High Dog Winter Count says that it was Good Bear who tore a shaved horn warbonnet from the Crow[44].

The Cranbrook Winter Count says that a war party of about 100 went into Crow territory to steal horses. The Crow spotted them, followed, and overtook them, forcing the Huŋkphápȟa into a fight. In one of the charges, a Lakȟóta grabbed a Crow’s warbonnet by its long tail. The warbonnet came apart in his hands[45].

1857
Tatanka Iyotanke wayaka akdipi.
Tȟatȟáŋka Íyotake wayáka akdípi.
Bison-Bull Sitting-Down prisoner return-they.
Sitting Bull and his war party returned with a prisoner.

Blue Thunder says: Wičhíyena Hóhe ób kičhízapi kiŋ. Mníyaye Zí ktépi (Wičhíyena Assiniboine with fight-they the. Water-carrier Yellow killed-they). The Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna fought with the Assiniboine. They killed Yellow Water-Carrier[46].

High Dog says: Áta ktépi aglípi (Entire killed-they returned-they). They returned having killed all of them. The pictograph indicates that they killed the entire enemy war party, and counted coup three times[47].

Medicine Bear says: Tȟatȟáŋka Ináži wiŋyáŋ áwičakdi (Bison-[Bull] Standing woman captured-returned-with). Standing Bull brought back a captive woman[48].

The Cranbrook Winter Count says that a little enemy boy was killed. Praus’ notes on the Cranbrook Winter Count says that this year’s event refers to a raid on an Assiniboine camp where Sitting Bull and his war party killed an entire family, all but one, who was captured and later adopted by Sitting Bull. Sitting Bull gave his misúŋkala (younger brother) the name Tȟatȟáŋka PsíčA (lit. “Bison-Bull To-Jump;” Jumping Bull). Jumping Bull died in Sitting Bull’s camp on the Grand River in the fight against the BIA police when they came to arrest his čhiyé (older brother), December 1890[49].

1858
Wanbdihoh·pita.
Waŋbdí Hoȟpí t’Á.
Eagle Nest died.
Eagle Nest died.

Blue Thunder says Eagle Nest died of no sickness[50].

1859
Was·na ota.
Wasná óta.
Pemmican to-be-much.
There was much pemmican.

Medicine Bear says: Wókapȟaŋ paŋȟya (lit. “meat-block very-much”). There was very much meat prepared[51].

This year’s entry is depicted by a lodge, representing camp, with four thick lines on the side, representing representing wókapȟaŋ (meat blocks) or wakápȟapi (pounded meat). 

1860
Canhuta oqapi.
Čhaŋhúta Očhápi.
Stump into-dig-up-as-by-stabbing.
Dug Up A stump.

Medicine Bear says: Šuŋkawakȟaŋ óta áwičakdipi (lit. “Horses many captured-returned-with”). They returned with many captured horses[52].

High Dog says: Kaȟníȟniȟ siŋtéyapi (Choose-selectively tail-to-have-for-they). They carefully chose a [horse] tail for themselves[53]. Ten race horses were killed. A tail was carefully selected and a Tȟáwa Šúŋkawakȟaŋ Ópi Wokíksuye, or Horse Memorial Stick (commonly called “Horse Sticks) was created[54].

The Cranbrook Winter Count and the Mnikȟówožu Winter Count (White Bull) say that choice horses were killed. Praus’ notes in the Cranbrook Winter Count says that the best horse of Kȟaŋğí YatáŋpikA (lit. “Crow One-Who-Is-Highly-Praised”), or Crow King (a Huŋkphápȟa chief), was killed by an arrow. Overnight, all the best horses in camp were killed and the group scattered[55].

This year’s entry is depicted by eight horse tracks that seemingly has nothing to do with the accompanying text for the same year. The interpretation for this year would seem to be that it was ‘Stump’s horses that were killed. Perhaps it was later realized that it was ‘Stump who killed Crow King’s horse, which set off a retaliation.

1861
Itonkasanduta.
Hitȟúŋkasaŋ Dúta.
Weasel Red.
Red Weasel.

Medicine Bear says: Hitȟúŋkasaŋ Dúta šuŋkawakȟaŋ óta áwičakdi aktá (Weasel Red horses many captured-returned-with again). Red Weasel returned with many captured horses[56].

High Dog says: Itȟúŋkasaŋ Lúta ktépi (Weasel Red killed-they). They killed Red Weasel[57].

1862
Tiyokicizapi.
Thí okíčhizapi.
Lodge in/at-fight-they.
They fought at a house.

This year’s entry is depicted with a house or cabin. This year could refer to the fight that set off the 1862 Dakota Conflict in Minnesota when four young Dakȟóta men killed five settlers, or to the fight at the Lower Sioux Agency where the Dakȟóta raided the agency headquarters and killed the agent. No fight is actually depicted, only mentioned in the Mission Dakota text accompanying the pictograph.

The Wind-Roan Bear Winter Count refers to the Isáŋyathi, Santee or Dakȟóta, in a fight with the whites[58].

1863
Nasunatankata.
Nasúna Tȟáŋka t’Á.
Brain Big died.
Big “Head” Died.

Blue Thunder and Medicine Bear both say: Akíčhita Pȟá Tȟáŋka kaškápi. Kdí na t’Á (Soldier/s Head Big imprisoned. Return and die). Soldiers imprisoned Big Head. He returned and died[59].

No Two Horns refers to this individual as Nasúna Tȟáŋka, Big Brain, and not as Pȟá Tȟáŋka[60].

Wind-Roan Bear Winter Count refers to the Dakȟóta as captives in military forts. No forts are named, but this clearly refers to the imprisonment of the Isáŋyathi at Fort Snelling, MN, this year[61].

1864
Winyan num wicaktepi.
Wíŋyaŋ núm wičáktepi.
Woman two them-killed-they.
They killed two women.

Medicine Bear says: Wíŋyaŋ nuŋpá ktépi (Woman two killed-they). They killed two women[62].

These two women referred to in this year’s entry are quite possibly the white women who were taken captive during the 1863-64 Dakota Conflict in Dakota Territory punitive campaigns. One was Mrs. Eubanks, who was rescued by the Oglála Two Face and brought to Fort Laramie - her rescuer was hung; the other was Mrs. Kelly.

High Dog says: Wayáka wiyáŋ iyópȟeyapi (Captive woman exchange-for-they). They exchanged a captive woman in trade[63]. She was stolen from the Oglála by Brings Plenty, a Sihásapa who tried to arrange a trade for her, and he made her his wife. Kelly was given the name “Real Woman.” She eventually regained her freedom either by tricking her Lakȟóta captors into bringing her to Fort Sully (present-day Pierre, SD), or she was was escorted to Fort Sully by a Huŋkphápȟa man under the protection of Sitting Bull[64].

It would appear that the text accompanying the pictograph is in error. It is not. In the cultural context of the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ (The Seven Council Fires; “Great Sioux Nation”), when a women was stolen she was considered dead, whether literally or metaphorically, she died to her people. If she was stolen and was married into an enemy’s tribe, she might not ever be seen again. If a woman died in an enemy raid, she died. In either case, she was mourned and life resumed without her.

1865 Kepacapapi.
Khepȟá Čhapȟáp.
Turtle-Head Western-Painted-Turtle-them.
Western Painted Turtle Heads.

Medicine Bear[65], Blue Thunder (the British Museum variant)[66], and No Two Horns[67] say: Pȟatkáša Pȟá čhapȟÁ t’ekíyA (Jugular-vein-scarlet Head Western-Painted-Turtle stab to-cause-one’s-own-death). Blue Thunder adds that Turtle Head was stabbed to death at Kaȟmíčhiŋka (lit. “Bends-Back-On-Itself;” Big Bend), located at Big Bend, S.D. He was an Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna.

1866
Ohunkakan ktepi.
Ohúŋkakaŋ ktépi.
Long-Ago-Story killed-they.
They killed Myth.

Medicine Bear says: Wóoyake Wičháša ktépi (Story Man killed-they). They killed Storyteller[68].

1867
Cahsu.
Čhaȟsú.
Little-ice-drop.
Sleet.

Medicine Bear says: Waníyetu osní (Winter cold). It was a cold dark winter[69].

Blue Thunder and No Two Horns say: Čháŋ Ičú čhiŋkšítku núŋpapi čhuwíta t’ápi. Waníyetu osní. (Wood Takes son/s two-they to-be-cold died-they. Winter cold.) He Takes Wood and his two sons froze to death. The winter was cold[70].

The Mnikȟówožu Winter Count (White Bull) says the winter was icy. A heavy snow fell, followed by a week’s thaw, then a freeze. The landscape was covered with ice[71].

The Drifting Goose Winter Count (the John K. Bear Winter Count) says: Bdé Haŋská éd wonáseta akíčhita waŋ čhuwíta t’Á (Water Long at bison-hunting soldier a to-be-cold died). A soldier froze to death on a bison hunt at Long Lake[72].

This year’s entry is depicted by a blackened circle. The blackened circle can represent death, night, or winter. Some winter counts have used the same device to represent instead a full solar eclipse that happened in August, 1869. It was visible across the Northern Plains.

The New Lakota Dictionary lists two entries for an eclipse: Aháŋzi (lit. “Shadow”), and Aóhaŋziya (lit. “To-Cast-A-Shadow-Upon”)[73]. Mr. Warren Horse Looking (Oglála), referred to the solar eclipse as: Aŋpétuwi Tokȟáȟ’aŋ (lit. “Day-Luminary To-Disappear”). The Huŋkphápȟa refer to the eclipse as: Maȟphíya Yapȟéta (lit. “Cloud/Sky/Heaven On-Fire”). Mr. John Eagle (Sisseton-Wahpeton Oyate) refers to the eclipse as: Wí’Atá (lit. “Luminary All-Of-It”). Ms. Leslie Mountain (Sisseton-Wahpeton Oyate) refers to the eclipse as: Khaphéya (lit. “Of-A-Singular-Appearance”). An unnamed informant from Spirit Lake refers to the eclipse as: Wí’te (lit. “New Moon”)[74].

Many winter counts depict the eclipse as a blackened circle, sometimes including two stars. In those many other winter counts, in the Lakȟóta language, they refer to the eclipse as Wí’kte (lit. “Luminary killed”).

1868
Akezaptan wicaktepi.
Akézaptaŋ wičáktepi.
Again-Five them-killed-they.
They killed fifteen of them.

Medicine Bear and High Dog say: Itázipčho akézaptaŋ t’Á (Without-Bows fifteen died). Fifteen members of the Itázipčho (Sans Arc) died[75].

High Dog says it was fifteen Crow who were killed at Waŋhíŋkpe Wakpá (lit. “Arrow River”), presently called O’Fallon Creek, located in Montana[76].

The Cranbook Winter Count says that fifteen Lakȟóta were killed[77].

Vestal’s notes on the Mnikȟówožu Winter Count (White Bull) offer a fuller picture. A Thítȟuŋwaŋ war party of as many as thirty, mostly Itázipčho, went to fight the Kaŋğí. When they encountered a Crow camp the mounted warriors closed in as those on foot prepared log breastworks, but they were discovered and routed. Those on foot perished, while those on horseback survived[78].

1869
Kangi wicas·a 30 wicaktepi.
Kȟaŋğí wičháša wikčémna yámni wičháktepi.
Crow men ten three men-killed-they.
They fought and killed thirty Crow men.

High Dog[79], Cranbrook[80], Iron Hawk[81], Lone Dog[82], Swan[83], and the Mnikȟówožu Winter Count (White Bull), say the same. The Mnikȟówožu Winter Count (White Bull) says this happened at HéčhiŋškA Pahá (lit. “Bison-Horn-Spoon Butte;” Spoonhorn Butte), presently known as Mountain Sheep Butte, located in Montana[84].

1870
Tatankawitko wonase ta.
Tȟatȟáŋka Witkó wónase t’Á.
Bison-Bull Foolish/Crazy bison-hunt died.
Fool Bull died in a bison hunt.

Medicine Bear says: Tȟatȟáŋka Witkó t’Á (Bison-Bull Crazy died). Crazy Bull died[85].

1871
Wikos·ke num tapi.
Wikȟóške núm t’ápi.
Young-woman two died-they.
Two young women died.

The Medicine Bear Winter Count appears to be the only winter count that provides further insight regarding this year’s entry. It says: Witkówiŋ nuŋpá ktépi (Crazy-women two killed-they). They killed two prostitutes[86].

The Cranbrook Winter Count recalls that Shell Necklace killed a woman, but the motive is not revealed[87].

An unfaithful man might find his belongings outside the lodge; an unfaithful women might find herself set upon a horse and sent back to her parents. Generally, the punishment for infidelity was disfigurement. A woman or man might draw a knife through the others’ nostril, perhaps even cutting the nose off as well.

The death of two women, who are vaguely remembered on this year’s entry, and remembered as prostitutes on another probably served as a minder to all Očhéthi Šakówiŋ women that they were keepers of the nation and such behavior would not be tolerated.

1872
Wis ·aya oti ta.
Wíšaya Othí t’Á.
Dyed-Red To-Dwell-There died.
Red Lodge died.

Medicine Bear says: Wakhéya Šáya t’Á (Lodge Red-Painted died). Red Painted Lodge died[88].

1873
Is·kona tawa ewicayayapi.
Iškóna[ǧi] tȟáwa ewíčhayayapi.
Black-spot-inside-horse’s-hoof his/theirs there-with-happened-they.
They happened to find horses with black spotted hooves.

Medicine Bear says: Šuŋkawakȟaŋ nuŋpá áwičakdipi (Horses two captured-returned-with). They returned with two captured horses[89].

1874
Zaptan ahiwicaktepi.
Záptaŋ ahí wičháktepi.
Five came-here them-killed-they.
They killed five [of the enemy] who came.

Medicine Bear says: Wičháša zaptáŋ ahí ktépi (Men five came-here killed-they). They killed five of them who came[90].

This year’s entry depicts five common figures, some with a reddish hue, but this indicates that it was five of the Dakȟóta or Lakȟóta who were killed and not the enemy. The enemy is not identified. Other winter counts this year indicate conflict with the Crow in Čhaȟlí Wakpá Makȟóčhe (lit. “Coal/charcoal River Country”), or Powder River country, in Montana.

1875
Toka kinuwanpi.
Tȟóka khí nuŋwáŋpi.
Enemy stole/steal-something swim-they.
The enemies stole something then swam [away].

Medicine Bear says: Tȟóka nuŋwaŋki napá (enemy swim-home escape). The enemy escaped by swimming home[91].

Blue Thunder says: Šuŋk’akaŋyaŋkapi akíčhita tȟašúŋkawakȟaŋpi oyás’iŋ waíč’iyápi (Horse-riding-they soldiers horses-belonging-to-them all-of-a-kind to-take-things-they). The cavalry took all their horses[92].

Some of the Oglála winter counts recall 1875-76 as the year the soldiers confiscated the agency Indians’ horses in retaliation for the failed Centennial Campaign that ended in General Custer’s defeat at Pȟežísla Wakpá Okíčhize (lit. Grass-Greasy River Fight), the Battle of the Little Bighorn.

This year’s entry depicts what appears to be four Crow who made off with nine horses.

1876
Hehaka ta.
Heȟáka t’Á.
Bull-Elk died.
Elk died.

Medicine Bear says: Heȟáka t’Á (Elk died). Elk died[93].

1877
Was·ni waniyetu.
Wá šni waníyetu.
Snow-on-the-ground no year/winter.
There was no snow this winter.

Medicine Bear says: Waníyetu snižé (Winter withering). A withering winter[94].

This year’s entry is depicted with what appears to be an earthlodge. A heavy arch is drawn on the outside of the lodge, which doesn’t represent snow, but an intact earthlodge. No maintenance was needed to be done on the outside of the earthlodge because there was no snow. Typically, there is a lot of regular maintenance, or patching of the earth (sometimes clay) on the earthlodge after the snow melts, and especially after a rain.

1878
Tas·unkemaza ktepi.
Tȟašúŋke Máza ktépi.
Horse Metal killed-they.
They killed Iron Horse.

This incident is also recorded in the Medicine Bear Winter Count[95].

Nearly all the remaining pictographs that indicate a permanent sedentary lifestyle, as demonstrated with the depictions of fort palisades and/or cabins from this year’s entry up until 1911.

1879
Wapahasapa tawa ewicayayapi.
Wapȟáha SápA tȟáwa ewíčhayayapi.
Warbonnet Black his/theirs there-with-happened-they.
Black Warbonnet was there with them.

Medicine Bear says: Wapȟáha Sápa šuŋkawakȟaŋ óta áwičakdi (Warbonnet Black horse many captured-returned-with). Black Warbonnet led a successful horse raid[96].

This year’s entry depicts a warbonnet above a fort/cabin.

1880
Titonwan ouwicatapi.
Thítȟuŋwaŋ oúŋ wičhát’Api.
Teton state-of-living dead-they.
The Teton were in a state of deadness.

The Huŋkphápȟa returned from Canada in a couple of movements. Some returned with Phizí, or Gall, and surrendered at Fort Buford, others with Tȟatȟáŋka Íyotake surrenderd a few months later[97].

The Huŋkphápȟa can be found today at Wood Mountain in Canada (those who stayed behind), Fort Peck, MT, and on Standing Rock, in ND & SD.

The Medicine Bear[98] and High Dog winter counts both say: Phizí thí (Gall lodge). Gall lodge. Rev. Aaron Beede notes that this year soldiers had fired into Gall’s camp on the Tȟačhéži Wakpá (Bison-Tongue River), Tongue River[99].

This year’s entry is depicted with three lodges within the confines of a fort/cabin.

1881
Wakinyan nupa ktepi.
Wakíŋyaŋ núŋpa ktépi.
Thunder two killed-they.
They killed Two Thunder.

Medicine Bear says: Wakíŋyaŋ Nuŋpá ktépi (Thunder Two killed-they). They killed Two Thunder[100].

This year’s entry is depicted by two Thunderbirds above a fort/cabin.

1882
Joe hoks·ina s·ahiya owicauspa.
Joe Hokšína Šahíya owíčha yušpÁ.
Joe Cree Boy some-men to-break-off-a-piece-with-the-hands.
Joe Cree Boy met with some [Crow] men and they traded.

Joe Cree Boy may be a reference to Joseph Picotte, a French-Canadian trader, a trade partner of Charles Primeau. Both men had Dakȟóta-Lakȟóta wives at Standing Rock[101].

The Cranbrook Winter Count says that three Crows came to Standing Rock on a mission of peace[102].

Medicine Bear and High Dog say: Kȟaŋğí wičháša yámni hípi (Crow men three came-they). Three Crow men came to them[103].

This year’s entry depicts a trader beside the fort and three Crow within the palisade.

1883
Matowakanta.
Matȟó Wakȟáŋ t’Á.
Bear With-Energy died.
Medicine Bear died.

The Medicine Bear Winter Count says the same[104].

This year’s entry depicts a bear “with-energy” [wavy lines within its body] above a fort/cabin, indicating that Medicine Bear died at the agency.

1884
Makaqapi.
Makȟá k’apí.
Earth dug-they.
They dug into the earth.

Medicine Bear says: Makȟá k’apí (Earth dug-they). They dug earth[105].

This year’s entry depicts an earthlodge with a heavy line around it. This may indicate that those who had earthlodges did some maintenance this year.

1885
Wag·unapin ta.
Waȟúŋ Nap’íŋ t’Á.
Scorches Necklace died.
Necklace Burn died.

The Medicine Bear Winter Count says the same[106].

This year’s entry is depicted with a figure wearing a choker above a fort/cabin.

1886
Wakanpahomini ktepi.
Wakȟáŋpahomni ktépi.
With-Energy-Turns killed-they.
They killed Turns Holy.

The Medicine Bear Winter Count says the same[107].

This year’s entry features a figure with stylized hair [Crow perhaps?], wearing a breastplate, and holding a discharging gun. Above the figure appears to be a name glyph, which seems to be something rotating in a counterclockwise direction. Oglála and Sičháŋğu winter counts recall hunting accidents on the Pine Ridge and Rosebud agencies.

1887
Mah·piyaheton miniwani kte.
Maȟpíya Hétoŋ Mníwani kté.
Cloud Horn Turning kill.
Turning Horn Cloud was killed.

The Medicine Bear Winter Count says the same[108].

This year’s entry is depicted by three common figures above a fort. The leftmost figure appears to bear a wound, the rightmost figure holds a discharged gun.

There was an Oglála named Horn Cloud and his wife, Nest, however both died about 1890. This year’s pictograph may refer to that incident.

1888
Isun manusa ta.
Išúŋmanuŋ t’Á.
Fails-To-Steal died.
Does Not Steal died.

The Medicine Bear Winter Count says the same[109].

This year’s entry depicts a figure imprisoned within the fort’s stockade.

1889
Sunka kan wan kiinyan kdi ta.
Šuŋkawakȟaŋ waŋ kiíyaŋkdi t’Á.
Horse a race-horse died.
A horse died in a horse race.

The Medicine Bear Winter Count says the same[110].

This year’s entry depicts a horse’s head above a fort/cabin.

1890
Tatankaiyotake ktepi.
Tȟatȟáŋka Íyotake ktépi.
Bison-Bull Sitting-Down killed-they.
They killed Sitting Bull.

Major McLaughlin ordered the BIA Police to arrest Sitting Bull after word reached him about a ghost dance that was held there at Sitting Bull’s camp along the Grand River. Catch The Bear demanded the release of Sitting Bull, then ran for the officers when it was evident they wouldn’t release him, and shot Captain Bull Head. Bull Head in turn turned and shot Sitting Bull in the side, killing him immediately[111].

This year’s entry is depicted by an upright bison bull and two figures above a fort/cabin. The two figures in hats could represent Captain Bull Head and Sergeant Shave Head who were shot and wounded at nearly the same time.

1891
Matonape ta.
Matȟó Napé t’Á.
Bear Hand died.
Hand Bear died.

This year’s entry depicts a figure in a shirt above a fort/cabin.

The Indian Affairs Commission appointed Left Hand Bear as chief of the Huŋkphápȟa people in the summer of 1866. This may refer to his passing.

1892
Wanbditanka ta.
Waŋbdí Tȟaŋka t’Á.
Eagle Big died.
Big Eagle died.

This year’s entry depicts an eagle above a fort/cabin.

There was a Big Eagle (Mnikȟówožu) who signed the 1868 Fort Laramie Treaty. This may refer to his passing.

1893
Akicita wan uta yapi.
Akíčhita waŋ utȟÁ yápi.
Soldier/s a/the to-fire-a-shot they-go.
The soldiers went there and fired a shot.

This year’s entry depicts a horse’s head and something else (a bird perhaps?) above a fort/cabin.

1894
Isanyati hoksina wan kataiyeiciya.
Isáŋyathi hokšína waŋ katáiyeičiya.
Santee boy a shot-himself.
A Santee boy shot himself.

This year’s entry depicts a figure hold a discharged gun above a fort/cabin.

1895
Wanbdiduta ta.
Waŋbdí Dúta t’Á.
Eagle Red died.
Red Eagle died.

This year’s entry depicts a red bird, eagle, above a fort/cabin.

1896
Mazakan narma kdi.
Mázakȟaŋ NaȟmÁ akdí.
Metal-With-Energy To-Conceal-One’s-Own return.
Hides His Gun returned.

This year’s entry depicts a figure above a fort/cabin with a name glyph of a gun above his head.

1897
Canteya ta.
Čhaŋtéya t’Á.
His-Heart died.
His Heart died.

This year’s entry depicts a figure above a fort/cabin with a name glyph that resembles a leaf with stem, but could be a heart.

1898
Sunkahanska ta.
Šuŋká Haŋská t’Á.
Dog Long died.
Long Dog died.

This year’s entry depicts a figure above a fort/cabin with a name glyph of a dog with an elongated body.

1899
Iyansana ta.
Iŋyáŋšana t’Á.
Stone-Red-[familiar-diminutive] died.
Red Stone died.

The use of “-la,” or “na,” as a suffix, as with a person’s name, indicate a feeling of closeness or affection. The usage here indicates that the person was a beloved figure.

This year’s entry depicts a figure wearing a wapȟégnakA (a type of headwear, usually us quilled slat with feathers and/or plumes) above a fort/cabin with a name glyph of a red circular/oblong shape, probably a “stone,” indicating the name. The figure appears to be wounded, but the entry’s accompanying text indicates that he died (of natural causes) as opposed to being killed. Perhaps he died of natural causes which was somehow related to his old injury.

1900
Ia taninwin ta.
Iyá Taníyaŋ Wiŋ t’Á.
Voice Visible Woman died.
Visible Voice Woman died.

This year’s entry depicts a long haired figure (unplaited hair in pictography generally means this is a woman) above a fort/cabin with a name glyph representative of her voice above her head.

1901
Icabs·inte maza ta.
Ičhápsite Máza t’Á.
Whip metal died.
Iron Whip died.

This year’s entry depicts a figure set left and above a fort/cabin with a name glyph of a horse quirt which appears to be a gray color, definitely not black, which might support the interpretation of the image as that of iron.

1902
Sihawoheyun wan tawiciu kte.
Sihá Wóheyuŋ waŋ tȟawíŋ ičhíu kté.
Foot Bundle a his-wife with kill.
Bundle Foot and his wife were killed.

This year’s entry depicts two figures above a fort/cabin. The left figure appears to have a head wound.

1903
Wamanusicas·a wan ktepi.
Wamánuŋ šičá waŋ ktépi.
To-steal-things bad a kill-they.
They killed a thief.

This year’s entry depicts a lone figure above a fort/cabin wearing a hat with half his body blackened, indicating severe injury. In general, traders or white men are depicted with hats, but in the post-reservation era, native men took to wearing not just non-native clothing, but also hats; he does not have long hair. This figure could well be a white thief who was killed, or a native thief also wearing a hat who was killed. The text accompanying this year’s entry doesn’t indicate either possibility.

1904
Wapahasapa ta.
Wapȟáha Sápa t’Á.
Warbonnet Black died.
Black Warbonnet died.

This year’s entry depicts a figure wearing a warbonnet above a fort/cabin.

1905
Hanbziateyapi.
Háŋpa Zí atéyapi.
Moccasin Yellow for-whom-they-have-for-a-father.
They have Yellow Moccasins for their agent.

This year’s entry depicts a “beefalo” (a bison-cow mix) above a fort/cabin, which possibly represents that Yellow Moccasins is a mixed blood.

1906
Cetanwakinwa ta.
Čhetáŋ Wakhúwa t’Á.
Hawk To-Hunt/Chase died.
Chasing Hawk died.

This year’s entry depicts a figure above a fort/cabin with a name glyph of a bird of prey with its legs extended to pluck its target.

1907
Wanbdiwakan kataiyeiciya.
Waŋbdí Wakȟáŋ katáiyeičiya.
Eagle With-Energy shot-himself.
Holy Eagle shot himself.

This year’s entry depicts an eagle atop a fort/cabin, a rifle points at the eagle.

1908
Sisseton mazaska icupi.
Sisíthuŋwaŋ mázaska kičhúpi.
Sisíthuŋwaŋ metal-white [silver] to-restore-something-to-someone-them.
The Sisíthuŋwaŋ received a payment due to them.

This year’s entry depicts a circle above a fort/cabin. The outline of the circle is deliberately heavy and is one of the blackest things appearing on the winter count. A lighter circle of gray is painted within the darker one. This represents a silver dollar, or mázaska.

1909
Iyakcunipi ta.
IyÁ Kičhúŋnipi t’Á.
To-Speak To-Desist-Something-They died.
They Stop Talking died.

This year’s entry depicts a figure above a fort/cabin. Bold lines radiate out from in front of the figure, representing talking loudly or out loud to others, then nothing.

1910
Tonkasitominiduta ta.
Tȟáŋka Sitómniyaŋ Dúta t’Á.
Big All-Over-In-Every-Direction Red died.
Big Red All Over died.

This probably refers to Átaya Dúta (lit. “Entire Red”), or Red All Over, an Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna man on Standing Rock who took his journey around this time.

This year’s entry depicts a figure above a fort/cabin. A name glyph of a red circle appears above the figure, which might represent the figure’s name.

1911
There is no text for this entry.

This is the final entry on the Chandler-Pohrt Winter Count to feature a pictograph. This year’s entry depicts a figure wearing a trailer headdress and an ermine adorned warshirt. A name glyph appears with the figure resembling a horse. This may refer to Chief White Horse who resided at Spirit Lake and who took his journey.

The Iron Hawk Winter Count entry recalls Spotted Horse taking his journey this year[112].

1912
There is no text for this year’s entry, nor the following seven.

This year’s entry depicts a green square. The square, or divided square, has been used to represent farming in Plains Indian pictography. It stands to reason then that this year was a farming year, or a good farming year.

1913-19
These years all have the same simple line demarcating the years. This could reflect the feelings that they’ve entered a time when nothing happens. The line could also represent allotments, fractionization of the reservations, or the division of the reservations when they were opened up for sale to non-natives.

END NOTES
__________

[1] Innis, Ben. "The Heritage of Bloody Knife." In Bloody Knife: Custer's Favorite Scout, 9-12. Revised ed. Bismarck, ND: Smokey Water Press, 1994.

[2] Gayton, Mrs. Henry and Mr. Jim. "Region Three, Sioux County." Interview by Larry Sprunk for the State Historical Society of North Dakota. June 17, 1974.

[3] High Dog. "High Dog Winter Count." State Historical Society of North Dakota, Interview by Rev. Aaron Beede. 1912.

[4] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 366.

[5] Howard, James H. "Yanktonai Ethnohistory And The John K. Bear Winter Count." Plains Anthropologist 21, no. 73, Part 2 (1976): 46.

[6] Ibid. Pp. 37 & 54.

[7] Hyde, George E. "Indian Paradise." In Spotted Tail's Folk: A History of the Brule Sioux, 25. Norman, Oklahoma: University Of Oklahoma Press, 1961.

[8] High Dog. "High Dog Winter Count." State Historical Society of North Dakota, Interview by Rev. Aaron Beede. 1912.

[9] Chardon, F.A. Chardon's Journal At Fort Clark, 1834-1839. Edited by Annie Heloise Abel. 1st Bison Book Edition ed. Lincoln, NB: University Of Nebraska Press, 1997. 123.

[10] Higgenbotham, N.A. "The Wind-Roan Bear Winter Count." Plains Anthropologist 26, no. 91 (1981): 20.

[11] Robinson, Doane. A History Of The Dakota Or Sioux Indians. Reprint (1904) ed. Minneapolis, Minnesota: Ross & Haines, 1956. 85-87.

[12] Denig, Edwin Thompson. "Of The Sioux." In Five Indian Tribes Of The Upper Missouri: Sioux, Arikaras, Assiniboines, Crees, And Crows, edited by John C. Ewers, 32-34. Norman, Oklahoma: University Of Oklahoma Press, 1961.

[13] Howard, James H. "Yanktonai Ethnohistory And The John K. Bear Winter Count." Plains Anthropologist 21, no. 73, Part 2 (1976): 48.

[14] Ibid. P. 50.

[15] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Anthropological Papers Bulletin 173, no. 61 (1960): 375.

[16] High Dog. "High Dog Winter Count." State Historical Society of North Dakota, Interview by Rev. Aaron Beede. 1912.

[17] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Anthropological Papers Bulletin 173, no. 61 (1960): 376-377.

[18] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[19] Ibid.

[20] High Dog. "High Dog Winter Count." State Historical Society of North Dakota, Interview by Rev. Aaron Beede. 1912.

[21] Lakota-English Dictionary. Compiled by Rev. Eugene Buechel. Edited by Rev. Paul Manhart. Pine Ridge, SD: Red Cloud Indian School, 1983.

[22] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 379.

[23] Praus, Alexis A. The Sioux, 1798-1922: A Dakota Winter Count. Bulletin No. 44. Fredericksburg, Virginia: Cranbrook Institute of Science; Riverby Books, 1962. 16.

[24] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[25] Ibid.

[26] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 379.

[27] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[28] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 379-380.

[29] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[30] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 380.

[31] Ibid. P. 381

[32] Ibid.

[33] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 381.

[34] Welch, Col. A.B. "Red Tomahawk, ‘Sitting Bull was my friend, I killed him like this..’" Welch Dakota Papers. April 14, 2012. Accessed January 6, 2016. http://www.welchdakotapapers.com.

[35] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[36] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 381 & 382.

[37] Map Of The Missouri From Its Mouth To Three Forks, Montana, Plat LIII. Washington D.C.: Missouri River Commission, 1895.

[38] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 382.

[39] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[40] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 383.

[41] High Dog. "High Dog Winter Count." State Historical Society of North Dakota, Interview by Rev. Aaron Beede. 1912.

[42] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[43] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 384.

[44] High Dog. "High Dog Winter Count." State Historical Society of North Dakota, Interview by Rev. Aaron Beede. 1912.

[45] Praus, Alexis A. The Sioux, 1798-1922: A Dakota Winter Count. Bulletin No. 44. Fredericksburg, Virginia: Cranbrook Institute of Science; Riverby Books, 1962. 18.

[46] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 384.

[47] High Dog. "High Dog Winter Count." State Historical Society of North Dakota, Interview by Rev. Aaron Beede. 1912.

[48] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[49] Praus, Alexis A. The Sioux, 1798-1922: A Dakota Winter Count. Bulletin No. 44. Fredericksburg, Virginia: Cranbrook Institute of Science; Riverby Books, 1962. 19.

[50] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 385.

[51] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[52] Ibid.

[53] High Dog. "High Dog Winter Count." State Historical Society of North Dakota, Interview by Rev. Aaron Beede. 1912.

[54] Wooley, David L., and Joseph D. Horse Capture. "Joseph No Two Horns: He Nupa Wanica."American Indian Art Magazine 18, no. 3 (1993): 32-43.

[55] Praus, Alexis A. The Sioux, 1798-1922: A Dakota Winter Count. Bulletin No. 44. Fredericksburg, Virginia: Cranbrook Institute of Science; Riverby Books, 1962. 19.

[56] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[57] High Dog. "High Dog Winter Count." State Historical Society of North Dakota, Interview by Rev. Aaron Beede. 1912.

[58] Higgenbotham, N.A. "The Wind-Roan Bear Winter Count." Plains Anthropologist 26, no. 91 (1981): 24.

[59] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 388.

[60] No Two Horns. “No Two Horns Winter Count.” State Historical Society of North Dakota.

[61] Higgenbotham, N.A. "The Wind-Roan Bear Winter Count." Plains Anthropologist 26, no. 91 (1981): 24.

[62] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[63] High Dog. "High Dog Winter Count." State Historical Society of North Dakota, Interview by Rev. Aaron Beede. 1912.

[64] Vestal, Stanley. "The Captive White Woman." In Sitting Bull: Champion Of The Sioux, A Biography, 64. 1st ed. Norman, OK: University Of Oklahoma Press, 1989.

[65] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[66] Howard, James H. "The British Museum Winter Count." British Museum Occasional Paper, No. 4 (1979): 66.

[67] No Two Horns. “No Two Horns Winter Count.” State Historical Society of North Dakota.

[68] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[69] Ibid.

[70] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 391.

[71] Vestal, Stanley. Warpath: The True Story of the Fighting Sioux Told in a Biography of Chief White Bull. 1st Bison Book Edition ed. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1984. 267.

[72] Howard, James H. "Yanktonai Ethnohistory And The John K. Bear Winter Count." Plains Anthropologist 21, no. 73, Part 2 (1976): 55.

[73] New Lakota Dictionary. Compiled by Jan Ullrich. Bloomington, IN: Lakota Language Consortium, 2nd Edition, 2011.

[74] Goodhouse, Dakota. "Solar Eclipse Remembered As Fire Cloud." The First Scout. October 24, 2014. http://thefirstscout.blogspot.com.

[75] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[76] High Dog. "High Dog Winter Count." State Historical Society of North Dakota, Interview by Rev. Aaron Beede. 1912.

[77] Praus, Alexis A. The Sioux, 1798-1922: A Dakota Winter Count. Bulletin No. 44. Fredericksburg, Virginia: Cranbrook Institute of Science; Riverby Books, 1962. 21.

[78] Vestal, Stanley. Warpath: The True Story of the Fighting Sioux Told in a Biography of Chief White Bull. 1st Bison Book Edition ed. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1984. 268.

[79] High Dog. "High Dog Winter Count." State Historical Society of North Dakota, Interview by Rev. Aaron Beede. 1912.

[80] Praus, Alexis A. The Sioux, 1798-1922: A Dakota Winter Count. Bulletin No. 44. Fredericksburg, Virginia: Cranbrook Institute of Science; Riverby Books, 1962. 21.

[81] Sundstrom, Jessie Y., and Rebecca Halfred. “Translation of the Iron Hawk Winter Count.” Unpublished manuscript, 1988.

[82] Mallory, Garrick. "Lone Dog's Winter Count." In Picture-Writing Of The American Indians, 286-287. Reprint (2012) ed. Vol. 1. New York, NY: Dover Publications, 2012.

[83] Mallory, Garrick. "Time - Winter Counts." In Pictographs of the North American Indians, Annual Reports No. 4, 127. Washington DC: Bureau Of American Ethnology, 1886.

[84] Vestal, Stanley. Warpath: The True Story of the Fighting Sioux Told in a Biography of Chief White Bull. 1st Bison Book Edition ed. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1984. 268.

[85] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[86] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[87] Praus, Alexis A. The Sioux, 1798-1922: A Dakota Winter Count. Bulletin No. 44. Fredericksburg, Virginia: Cranbrook Institute of Science; Riverby Books, 1962. 22.

[88] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[89] Ibid.

[90] Ibid.

[91] Ibid.

[92] Howard, James H. "Dakota Winter Counts As A Source Of Plains History." Smithsonian Institution, Bureau Of American Ethnology, Bulletin 173, Anthropological Papers, no. 61 (1960): 396.

[93] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[94] Ibid.

[95] Ibid.

[96] Ibid.

[97] Larson, Robert. "The Canadian Exile." In Gall: Lakota War Chief, 170-173. 1st ed. Norman, Oklahoma: University Of Oklahoma Press, 2007.

[98] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[99] High Dog. "High Dog Winter Count." State Historical Society of North Dakota, Interview by Rev. Aaron Beede. 1912.

[100] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[101] Primeau, Tom. "Standing Rock: Heads Of Families By Bands 1885." Primeau. May 1, 1999. Accessed December 28, 2015. http://www.primeau.org.

[102] Praus, Alexis A. The Sioux, 1798-1922: A Dakota Winter Count. Bulletin No. 44. Fredericksburg, Virginia: Cranbrook Institute of Science; Riverby Books, 1962. 24.

[103] Medicine Bear. “Medicine Bear Winter Count.” The Hood Museum of Art, Cat. 117.

[104] Ibid.

[105] Ibid.

[106] Ibid.

[107] Ibid.

[108] Ibid.

[109] Ibid.

[110] Ibid.

[111] Bullhead, Francis. "Letter To The Editor." Sioux County Pioneer, 1910.

[112] Sundstrom, Jessie Y., and Rebecca Halfred. “Translation of the Iron Hawk Winter Count.” Unpublished manuscript, 1988.

Water Determines Territorial Boundaries

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Dakota Access Pipeline equipment is on site on the north bank of the Cannonball River, ND.
Hunkpapa and Yanktonai Homeland 
Traditional Territory Defined by Water
By Dakota Wind
Cannonball, ND – In 1915, Colonel Welch met Wakíŋyaŋ Tȟó (Blue Thunder), a renowned camp crier (his voice was said to have carried five miles) and traditional historian of the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna Dakȟóta and Húŋkpapȟa Lakȟóta at Fort Yates, ND. Welch asked Blue Thunder from where he came. Blue Thunder replied that he was born on Tȟaspáŋna Wakpána (“Thorn Apple Creek;” Apple Creek), or Bismarck, ND.

Blue Thunder’s answer reflected the pre-reservation tradition of naming the stream along which one was born, from which one came, by way of introductions. It also enforced the ideology of territorial boundary. The post reservation Dakȟóta or Lakȟóta named the tribe (or campfire)/band one belonged to, or whose parents belonged to, in introduction. Today, a Dakȟóta or Lakȟóta is likely to name his or her agency where he or she is enrolled at, in introduction.

In 1796, John Evans established Jupiter’s Fort, on the north bank of the Cannonball River. The Blue Thunder Winter Count and the No Two Horns Winter Count recall Evan’s arrival with an image of the British Union Jack and the accompanying entry: Wówapi waŋ makȟá kawíŋȟ hiyáyapi (Flag/book a earth to-turn-around came-and-passed-along-they), or” They brought a flag around the country.”

Evans chose the location for his trading post with an eye towards finding a safe middle ground amongst the
Šahíyela (Cheyenne), the Mawátani (Mandan) and Ȟewáktokta (Hidatsa), the Phadáni (Arikara), the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna, and the Húŋkpapȟa. That middle ground was near the confluence of the Íŋyaŋwakaǧapi Wakpá (Stone Production River; Cannonball River) and Mníšoše (The Water Astir). This site was generally held to be sacred by all the regional tribes.

The Nu’Eta (“The People,” as the Mandan refer to themselves) regard the twin buttes there on the south bank of Íŋyaŋwakaǧapi Wakpá with reverence, and is tied to their flood story. An old Mandan village is located in close vicinity of Jupiter’s Fort. The Sahnish (as the Arikara call themselves) lived there too for a time before moving to Míla Wakpá (Knife River; present day Stanton, ND). An ancient declaration inspired the Sahnish to ascend the Mníšoše, and they did, breaking away from their Caddo relatives a thousand years ago, then breaking away from their Pawnee relatives in the past three hundred.

A look across to the east bank of the Missouri River, the ancient homelands of the Arikara and the Yanktonai Dakota. 

Where the Íŋyaŋwakaǧapi Wakpá converges with the Mníšoše, the hydrographical energy of the two resulted in a great swirl in the river. From this whorl of water was shaped the cannonball stones of various sizes. According to Jon Eagle Sr, Tribal Historic Preservation Officer at Standing Rock, since the creation of Lake Oáhe (Something To Stand On), the whorl no longer labors to fashion the round stones.

In 1763, according to the Brown Hat Winter Count, in the vicinity of the Íŋyaŋwakaǧapi Wakpá, there came an Oglála war party to fight the Šahíyela who lived nearby. The war party fought their fight and returned to the east bank of the Mníšoše. The Šahíyela retaliated by crossing the Mníšoše and setting the plains afire. The wind carried the fire directly to the Oglála camp, causing a great run for Blé Haŋská (Long Lake). The fire caught up to them before the survivors jumped into the lake, burning many. The survivors were thereafter called Sičáŋǧu (Burnt Thighs).

A painted bison robe depicting a conflict between the Arikara, Hidatsa, Mandan, Hunkpapa, and Yanktonai in 1798. 

In 1798, according to the Pictographic Bison Robe (of Mandan manufacture, gifted to the Corps of Discovery in 1804) the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna and Húŋkpapȟa went to war against the Phadáni, Ȟewáktokta, and Mawátani. The war, one of many intertribal conflicts across the years, concluded in 1803, according to the John K. Bear Winter Count, at Čhaŋté Wakpá (Heart River). The northern territorial boundary of the Húŋkpapȟa then expanded north from Íŋyaŋwakaǧapi Wakpá.

The Šahíyela were living in a great earthlodge village at the place Where The Hill Stands Alone (Fort Yates, ND), up to 1803, but two things happened: the Battle of Heart River in which their Húŋkpapȟa and Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna allies had expanded their territorial holdings, and the Cheyenne prophet Sweet Medicine’s message to abandon their sedentary life and move west to live and hunt as their Lakȟóta relatives.

The area in the vicinity of the mouth of Íŋyaŋwakaǧapi Wakpá is regarded as a sacred memorial by the Húŋkpapȟa and Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna to a tragedy in 1825. Blue Thunder and No Two Horns recall the year as Mní wičhát’E (Water many-dead), or Dead bodies in the water. High Dog, a Húŋkpapȟa historian, recalls the same year as: Mní wičhat’Á (Water them-died), or Many had died by drowning.

Across the Missouri River and north of the Cannonball Wacipi (Pow-wow) grounds is the site of the deadly drowning incident of 1825.

High Dog’s winter count elaborates further stating They were camping on the bottomlands of the Mníšoše that spring when an unprecedented rise of water quickly drowned over one half of the people. They say that this happened on the east bank of the river, opposite of the mouth of the Cannonball River. The Dakȟóta call this place Étu Pȟá Šuŋg t’Á (Lit. Place Head Horse Dead; Dead Horse Head Point) because, following the flood, the shore was lined with dead horse heads. They had corralled their horses for the night and nearly all were drowned but for a few.

The drowned people and horses were interned in a low rising hill on the spot. This hill was submerged by Lake Oáhe in the 1950s. Locals in Cannonball, ND refer to the south bluff of Íŋyaŋwakaǧapi Wakpá, the west bank of the Mníšoše, the site opposite of Étu Pȟá Šuŋg t’Á, as “The Point.”

In 1840, according to Blue Thunder and No Two Horns, was the year Waáŋataŋ (The Charger) died, there in his last winter camp, along Čhápa Wakpá (Beaver Creek, ND) across the river from the humble community of Cannonball, ND. The Charger received an English captain’s commission in the War of 1812, leading as many as 600 Očhéthi Šakówiŋ (Seven Council Fires; “Sioux”) there at the Battle of Fort Meigs, the Battle of Fort Stephenson, and the Battle of Sandusky. The Charger met dignitaries such as President Martin Van Buren and King George III. He later led the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ under Col. Leavenworth’s command in the Missouri Legion in the first ever US military campaign against Plains Indians in the Arikara War of 1823.


According to the archaeological survey, there was no tribal consultation. Neither out of state firms mention the Arikara village, the Mandan village, Jupiter's Fort, the 1825 Dead Horse Head Point, nor the 1840 Charger's last camp. Update: The original image which appeared here might have resulted in the unnecessary destruction of the resource. It was removed at the request of the State Historical Society of North Dakota. Apparently the Dakota Access Pipeline will be installed with spoons, Shawshank Redemption style. 

In 2015, two archaeological firms surveyed a corridor for the Dakota Access Pipeline. The corridor plan calls for the pipeline to go through the Arikara, Mandan, Jupiter's Fort, near or through the 1825 drowning site, and through Capt. Charger's last camp on Beaver's Creek. In August of 2016, the Dakota Access Pipeline began to disturb this beautiful confluence of history and culture. Activists have set up camp and have begun to protest the pipeline construction. 

Using winter counts, and surviving oral traditions, one can reconstruct the landscape as the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ recall it, with waterways serving as boundaries.

A Lakota world view perspective of Makhoche Waste (The Beautiful Country; The Great Plains). Note: South is at the top of the page. 

The Húŋkpapȟa territorial boundaries extended from the mouth of the Čhaŋté Wakpá, west to the Heȟáka Wakpá (Elk River; Yellowstone River) and Čhaȟlí Wakpá (Charcoal River; Powder River), and back east along the Pȟaláni Wakpá (Arikara River; Grand River), then north along the Mníšoše back to Čhaŋté Wakpá.

The Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋ and Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna territorial boundaries extended from the mouth of the Čhaŋté Wakpá, northeast to around Mní Wakȟáŋ (Spirit Lake; Devils Lake), all of Čaŋsáŋsaŋ Wakpá (White Birch River; James River) country, all of Šahiyela Ožú Wakpá (Cheyenne Garden River; Sheyenne River, ND), then south of where the Šahiyela Ožú Wakpá converges with the Mníša Wakpá (Red Water River; Red River of The North), then south towards the Čhaŋ’kasdáta Wakpá (Wood To Paddle Softly River; Big Sioux River), and south again towards the Mníšoše, then back north along the Mníšoše to the mouth of Čhaŋté Wakpá.

Water, especially the Mníšoše, has played an important role in the history of the Lakȟóta and Dakȟóta people. The direction the river flows has shaped the world view of them as well. South is called Itókaǧata, meaning “Facing Downstream.” Western worldview places north as the orienting direction, the opposite holds true for the Lakȟóta and Dakȟóta people.

Water determines boundaries. Water determines life. 


Remarkable Places Around Cannonball, A Review

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The cover to "Prologue To Lewis & Clark" features a 1795 map by Antoine Soulard. "There is probably no scholar more qualified to write on this subject than Wood," said James P. Ronda in his review. 
Prologue To Lewis And Clark
Remarkable Places Around Cannonball
A Book Review by Dakota Wind
Bismarck, ND – Wood’s book, “Prologue To Lewis And Clark: The Mackay And Evans Expedition,” is a wonderful combination of research and composition relating to the expedition almost ten years before the Corps of Discovery arrived on scene. The work isn’t loaded with archaeological narrative nor bogged down in the weight of its own revelation, but is carefully and deliberately written with the common reader in mind.

At five chapters and only 255 pages, Prologue is amazingly concise, and features maps by John Evans and Antoine Soulard, and maps of the explorations reconstructed by Wood’s own meticulous research.

Wood is Professor Emeritus of Anthropology at the University of Missouri, Columbia. He is an acknowledged expert of archaeology on the Missouri River by the State Historical Society of North Dakota and many other fine institutions, state, federal, and tribal, across the country. Wood has over fifty years of experience from before the federal dam projects of the 1950s to general field work at the Mandan Indian village Double Ditch in recent years.

Here’s a three paragraph (pp. 109-110) excerpt from Wood’s “Prologue To Lewis And Clark: The Mackay And Evans Expedition.”

Page 147 features sheet 5 of the Beinecke Library Map. 

Chapter Four
The Missouri River Basin Explored
“Those Remarkable Things Mentioned By Evans”

Between Beaver Creek and the Cannonball River, there is a sequence of small named and unnamed islands and tributary streams. [Wood is/was unaware of these streams having names in any of the native languages.] Evans called the Cannonball River the “Bomb River,” a name we also may presume to derive from his hypothesized companion. (In this instance, we may speculate on a French origin, for an Indian identification of the individual is improbable.) “Bomb” is an appropriate name, for the banks and valley of this stream once were home to uncounted spherical sandstone concretions that ranged from a few inches to several feet in diameter. Some of them indeed were the size of cannonballs. Today they have been carried away by curio hunters in such numbers that they are very rare.

The mouth of the Cannonball, which Evans said was 150 yards wide, marks the south end of a high, steep bluff that extends for four miles upriver along the west bank of the Missouri. It was here that William Clark “walked on Shore, in the evining with a view to See Some of those remarkable places mentioned by evens, none of which I could find.” Unfortunately, we cannot determine what those “remarkable places” might have been by looking at Evans’s narrative; if it was consulted by Clark, it is no longer available to us today. Nor are there clues to their identity in Clark’s subsequent notes, perhaps because he did not begin his search until he had passed the mouth of modern Badger Creek, thus being upstream from three locations on Evans’s map that modern viewers find so intriguing. But the map that Evans made of his voyage contains several clues to those “remarkable places.” The four-mile-long bluff above the Cannonball is called the “Hummit” (or “Hermitt”) on his chart – a term that so far defies explanation. Two features that he names on the rim of Humitt Bluff demonstrate that here he was following the river uplands on foot, for the features he notes would have been invisible from the river channel two hundred feet below its rim.

Page 111 from Wood's book features an aerial view of the mouth of the Cannonball River. Eagle eyed readers should be able to make out the curved fortification ditch in this image. Google Earth users can zoom in and view the area for themselves. 

One notation reads “Jupiter’s Fort,” which a hand-and-finger pointing to the north side of the Cannonball River atop the south end of Humitt Bluff. There is no doubt that this refers to a prehistoric Mandan village at that location overlooking the mouth of the Cannonball. Today, archaeologists call this village the North Cannonball site. Not only was it a defensive setting, but the village also was fortified by a curving ditch that isolated a lever upland spur from the adjoining upland. The village today is badly disturbed by plowing, but from the air one can clearly see the fortification ditch and the numerous bastions protruding from it. Little wonder that Evans referred to it as a fort, though his reference to Jupiter is not explainable.

In light of the current energy interests on the north side of the mouth of the Cannonball River, one might be inclined to review the historical properties that are about to be disturbed. Get your copy of W. Raymond Wood’s “Prologue To Lewis And Clark: The Mackay And EvansExpedition” today. Contact the North Dakota Heritage Center and Museum's Store at (701) 328-2822 for available copies. 



Another America, A Review

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The cover of Warhus'"Another America" features the third section of Sitting Rabbit's map of the Missouri River. 
Another America: Native American Maps
Big River Villages At Cannonball River
A Book Review By Dakota Wind
Bismarck, ND – In 1997, Mark Warhus, published his work Another America: Native American Maps And The History Of Our Land. Warhus carefully examined and researched Native American maps from a variety of mediums from petroglyphs and bark to animal hide and paper, from pre-contact to post-reservation.

In the pre-contact days and through post contact, when maps were drawn, it was only at great need. Mapping the land was through language (both oral and sign), before it was ever drawn. When a map was rendered, it was also done with a unique world view. For some tribes, east, the direction of the sunrise was the direction to orient oneself. For others it was the mountains to the west. For the Lakȟóta it was the south, the direction upon which pulls the water.

According to Warhus, “When a map was needed to show the way or convey a message, it would be drawn out on the ground, in the snow, or in the ashes of a campfire. These drawings were transitory illusions for the oral documents.” The oral document to which Warhus refers to is the sense of time it might take to reach an objective. How many days or nights it might take, or how many “sleeps.” The oral document may include tribal entities in a landscape, and whether one was on friendly terms with them. The oral document certainly included rivers, streams, and bodies of water.

Western maps are oriented to the north, and detail things like miles, elevation, latitude, and longitude, as if the landscape were nothing without being measured. The native maps, oral and drawn, are maps of experience.

Warhus details the dispossession of the landscape and the renaming of it. His work doesn’t serve as an apology for what happened, but exclaims at the loss of historical and cultural information, while rejoices in the maps that have survived calling them “documents of resilience and survival.”

Another America includes the Mandan Indian Sitting Rabbit’s map of the Missouri River that depicts an old Mandan town south of present-day Fort Yates, ND on the south bank of what is known variously today as Ókaǧa Wakpá (“Floater’s Creek”), Akíčhita Haŋská Wakpá (“Long Soldier Creek”), or the Four Mile Creek. The Mandan town was known as Mida Oduk Kua Atis (“Village Of Woods Confluence”).

A picture from page 47 of Warhus'"Another America" features the third section of Sitting Rabbit's map of the Missouri River. Note: the Big River is the Cannonball River.

Sitting Rabbit’s map goes as far north as the confluence of the Yellowstone and Missouri Rivers. The map does more than just mention place, but details history and names of sites from hundreds of years ago, places the Mandan don’t live at anymore. One such site in particular deserves to be mentioned here in light of current energy interests and that is the two Mandan villages on both the south and north banks of the Cannonball River. The historic Mandan referred to the Cannonball River as the Big River. The two villages there were known as As Irtia Athis [transcription may be incorrect] (“Big River Villages”).

Sitting Rabbit’s map tells us that the Mandan regularly crossed the river to hunt bison along Beaver Creek, chasing them to a location they called Mysterious Corral, or what is today known as Little Beaver Creek. This method of hunting bison fell out of practice after the arrival of the horse. The map also names the hill, upon which the water tower rests in the community of Cannonball, as Bison Ear Hill.

Warhus’ book, and all the maps therein, are treasures. They detail inter-tribal conflicts, inter-tribal trade and commerce, hunting and fishing, and history reaching back hundreds, if not a thousand years or more.

Many of the illustrations and maps are in color. One almost wishes that this book were published in a larger format to really appreciate the detail and texture of the maps, but don't let this stop you from adding this to your home or work library. Get your copy of Mark Warhus’ Another America: Native American Maps AndThe History Of Our Land


At The Heart Of The World, A Review

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The cover features a beautiful scene by American western artist William Jacob Hays, Sr., straight from 1863, and a Karl Bodmer painting of the Mandan Mandeh Pahchu in 1840. 
At The Heart Of The World, A Review
Survey History Reveals Native Homesteads
A Book Review By Dakota Wind
Bismarck, ND – In March 2014, Dr. Elizabeth Fenn’s seminal work on the history and culture of the Mandan Indians Encounters At The Heart Of The World: A History Of The Mandan People was published. The following year her work won the Pulitzer Prize for History.

Fenn is a historian. Naturally, she meticulously researched the primary resource documents like journals and maps. She isn’t an archaeologist or a geologist, and she’d be the first to tell you, but she immersed herself in the surveys, visited many of the sites first-hand, and then constructed a narrative of her experience of North Dakota making her research a little more personalized with exposition of the modern landscape, and produced an amazing piece of history that is easy to read and follow.

In light of the current energy interests in the Cannonball River vicinity, here follows a ten paragraph excerpt of Encounters At The Heart Of The Worldwhich details some history, geology, and cultural occupation:

A map on page seventeen, one of several appearing in Fenn's book. 

THE CANNONBALL RIVER
The Cannonball River starts in Theodore Roosevelt country – at the edge of the North Dakota badlands where, in the 1880s, the Harvard-trained politician found solace and manhood after personal tragedy sent him reeling. From here, the stream flows east across 150 miles of treeless plains and enters the Missouri not far above the South Dakota border. The confluence is today obscured by the waters of Lake Oahe, but there was a time when that confluence intrigued nearly every Missouri River traveler. Scattered along the shoreline and protruding from the banks were hundreds of stone balls, some as big as two feet in diameter.

These stone balls are the product of the ancient Fox Hills and Cannonball sandstone formations, deposited by inland seas that inundated the landscape for nearly half a billion years. Seventy million years ago, continental uplift caused the waters to recede and the sea floor to emerge, visible today as undulating plain. By slicing through this surface to expose the layers of sediment below, the Cannonball River revealed the land’s ancient, hard-to-fathom aquatic history. The Fox Hills and Cannonball strata are rich in minerals, especially calcium carbonate – a vestige of marine animals such as crabs, which often appear fossilized in these formations. When groundwater flows through the sandstone, the calcium crystallizes with other minerals and forms concretions – literally concrete – of a spherical shape.

William Clark, who examined the mouth of the Cannonball as he and Meriwether Lewis headed up the Missouri River on October 18, 1804, noted that the balls were “of excellent grit for Grindstons.” His men selected one “to answer for an anker.” The German prince Maximilian of Weid viewed the distinctive globes from the deck of a steamboat in June 1833, The Cannonball River “got its name,” he explained, from the “round, yellow sandstone balls” along its shoreline and that of the Missouri nearby. They were “perfectly regularly formed, of various sizes: some with a diameter of several feet, but most of them smaller.” Today, they are little more than a curiosity. Local residents use them as lawn ornaments.

A map from page nineteen detailing continental trade to the Mandan Indian villages. Note: map says "Pre-contact Trade." 

AT THE CONFLUENCE OF THE CANNONBALL AND MISSOURI RIVERS, 1300
For ancestral Mandans, the migration farther north and the construction of new towns may have mitigated the threat of violence. Though they fortified some of their new settlements, they built others in the open, unfortified pattern of old, with fourteen to forty-five lodges spread over as many as seventeen acres. One such town sat on the south bank of the Cannonball River where it joins the Missouri, in what is now the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation.

The South Cannonball villagers tapped a wide array of food resources. In the short-grass prairies to their west, herds of bison beckoned hunters. In the mixed- and tall-grass lands across the Missouri to the east, antelope, deer, and small game did the same. The riverbanks brimmed with seasonal chokecherries, buffalo berries, serviceberries, raspberries, plums, and grapes, while river-bottom gardens produced a bounty of maize, beans, squash, and sunflowers. The Missouri itself offered catfish, bass, mussels, turtles, waterfowl, and drowned “float” bison, this last considered particularly delectable.

Much of the South Cannonball village site has succumbed to the steel plows of more recent farmers tilling the soil here, but the layout of the ancient village is clear. The settlers dispersed their town over fifteen acres, with ample space between individual homes. The houses themselves, about forty in number, were nearly rectangular log-and-earth structures, narrower at the rear and wider at the front.

There were no fortifications. It appears that the occupants of the South Cannonball hamlet counted on peaceful relations with neighboring villagers and with the hunter-gatherers who may have visited from time to time. But fortified towns nearby suggest that security was tenuous. South Cannonball may have been on the last villages to follow the scattered settlement pattern of earlier days. By the mid-1400s, the same neighborhood was home to some of the most massively defended sites ever seen on the Upper Missouri River.

Fenn’s narrative reconstructs a historic Mandan presence in the vicinity of the Cannonball River. Where Dr. W. Ray Wood focused more on the physicality of the north bank of the Cannonball, Fenn brings a living history lens to the south bank of the same.

Fenn cares about the people she has written about, actually making friends on each trip she takes to the Northern Great Plains. She knows that no matter how carefully she constructed her narrative, that there would be some among the Mandan who don’t embrace her interpretation, and she accepts that even as she acknowledges them. She cares about the history. She cares about the people. Her work reflects that and it is no wonder her work received such acclaim.

You can get your copy of Fenn’s Encounters At The Heart Of The World: A History Of The Mandan People at the North Dakota Heritage Center and Museum’s store. The book isn't listed on the website, but its on the floor. 


Cannonball, The Historical Review Process

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DAPL machinery waits on the north bluff of the Cannonball River. 
Cannonball
Íŋyaŋwakaǧapi Wakpá
By Dr. Tom Isern
Fargo, ND - It’s all quiet on the Cannonball. For the moment. This is a good time to reflect on how we got to the point where an out-of-state energy transport company, here operating under the (rather ironic) name Dakota Access, manipulated our sworn officers of the law into confrontation with the native citizens of North Dakota.

Bear with me on this, because it requires some attention span. And there is required reading, too. Begin with a document on this page: http://history.nd.gov/hp/sire.html...

Here’s why I think you should look at this obscure manual of practice. Issued by the Historic Preservation Department of the State Historical Society of North Dakota, it details the requirements for “Cultural Resource Inventory Projects.” Yeah, I know, I think they meant to say “Inventory,” but that’s not the point. The manual codifies the expectations of cultural resource contractors--usually archaeologists--submitting work for review. This includes the studies required parcel to environmental assessments for construction projects, such as the Dakota Access pipeline.

All such work, like any reputable science, begins with a literature review. Now, archaeologists like to do field work. They aren’t so keen about book work. So, the authors of the guidelines spelled out clearly what they expected every research entity to accomplish with the literature review. You can read for yourself in the manual, but I will summarize here the three essential points.

1.    Review the site files and other materials already of record in the historic preservation department.

2.    Make use of the published, textual sources for history and archaeology in the study area.

3.    Interview persons with personal knowledge of the area.

But, really, isn’t archaeology about fieldwork? Why bother with this review-of-literature stuff?

Because, North Dakota is a huge place. Even a defined study area is too large to cover foot-by-foot with pedestrian survey. You need that boots-on-the-ground work, but if you’re just walking around out there, or even working the ground in systematic fashion, you’re going to miss a lot of stuff.

Think of it like this. If I start walking across a 5000-acre pasture looking for sharptail grouse, on my own, I may or may not be lucky enough to stumble across one. But if I start across guided by my trusty retriever, and follow where she leads me, I will find birds just about every time. You have to hunt where the birds are.

Historical sources tell you where to concentrate your survey efforts, so that you actually find stuff. Maybe that’s the problem here. If you want to find stuff, you consult the sources. If you don’t want to find stuff, don’t look at the sources.

Wait a minute, why would a researcher not want to find stuff? I’m a researcher, and I love to find stuff! The answer is, these cultural resource contractors work for the people, like Dakota Access, who want to build things, in ways that do violence to heritage resources, if you’re not careful. When cultural resource surveyors find things, that’s nothing but trouble for the people who pay them.

At this point, if you’re unfamiliar with the system of cultural resource management, you’re wondering how this makes sense. The point is, it does not. We set up a process ostensibly intended to safeguard our heritage resources. To do this, we require that before a party goes ahead with a big project, it has to submit a cultural resource survey and establish that the project will not do unreasonable amounts of damage to historic and archeological resources. Such a study is supposed to identify and locate the resources to be safeguarded. The study is conducted, however, by a contractor hired by the party desiring to do the project, such as the Dakota Access pipeline. Dakota Access pays the bills. Moreover, the companies who do such cultural resource work specialize in it and depend, for their existence and profit, on repeat business. The incentive, therefore, is not to find stuff, to go through the motions, but to bring in a report that satisfies the company which pays the bill.

You can read the environmental assessment for the Dakota Access project here: http://cdm16021.contentdm.oclc.org/...

I also have seen sections of the cultural resource study that is part of the EA. The cultural resource study is not included in the online posting. It is withheld because if people knew where to find archeological sites, they might loot them for artifacts. Such caution is standard practice, allowed by state statute--although it appears in this case to be redundant, because at least in the section dealing with Morton County, the researchers, surprise, didn’t find anything.

And why didn’t they find anything? Because, far as I can see, there is no evidence the cultural resource contractors even pretended to meet the minimum requirements for documentary research. And because of that failure, they missed known sites of profound significance and importance--some of them, in fact, visible in Google Earth, for Pete’s sake.

It is time for concerned parties to examine the primary text on this matter, the cultural resource study on file in the historic preservation department of the state historical society, and to determine to what degree, if any, it meets requirements for such surveys. I have seen enough to know it is deficient. The only question is, how deficient. Now would be an excellent time for the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe to organize a qualified investigative team and dispatch it to the heritage center to determine the extent of deficiency. The findings would be important to legal proceedings currently in progress. It appears that all regulatory approvals of the Dakota Access project have been based on faulty intelligence.

There is a final issue I must address, although it pains me. I am a historian, and a sustaining member of the State Historical Society of North Dakota. The cultural resource study for the Dakota Access project came to the historic preservation department of the SHSND for review; the department accepted it, despite its failure to meet requirements; and thus it certified to the North Dakota Public Service Commission and other agencies that the Dakota Access project would do no harm to heritage resources. The statement of the SHSND, in its letter of 26 April 2016, was unequivocal: “No Historic Properties Affected.” That statement was based on demonstrably deficient studies.

How can this happen? There are three possible explanations.

1.    Time constraints - the SHSND simply lacked the staff to exercise due diligence.

2.    Lack of competence - the SHSND dropped the ball.

3.    Conflict of interest - the SHSND averted it gaze.

That third possibility, conflict of interest, is most disturbing. Energy firms are seven-figure donors to the SHSND. In fact, when the legislature only partially funded the new North Dakota Heritage Center, the SHSND made it known that it looked to energy companies as its main reliance for funding. And so it was done.

Let me make this plain: I am not accusing anyone, or any agency, of wrongdoing or bias. I am saying that so long as this conflict of interest exists, the public will view the pronouncements of the SHSND with suspicion.

It is long past time for the SHSND to deal with this problem. It is possible, through a transparent process of recusal by conflicted parties and involvement of unbiased reviewers, to solve it. As a member of the SHSND, I say, let this reform commence immediately.

Dr. Isern heads up the Center For Heritage Renewal at North Dakota State University. Check it out. 


A Medicine Bear Winter Count Variant

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A picture of the Medicine Bear Winter Count from the collections at the Montana Historical Society (picture courtesy of the Montana Historical Society).
Waníyetu Wowápi Tȟá Matȟó Wakȟáŋ Akhé
A Medicine Bear Winter Count Variant

By Dakota Wind
Helena, MT - Medicine Bear was an itáŋčaŋ, one of four principal chiefs, of the Pȟabáksa (Cut-Head) division of the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna (Yanktonai). He was forty years old when the reservation era, the time of nothing, began. By then he kept a winter count, a history of his band of Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna, rendered in his own hand, on muslin cloth. It seems he kept one on brain-tanned buckskin as well.

A variant of that winter count has surfaced in the collection at the Montana Historical Society. The paint on this variant is much worn and flaked (charcoal, but probably mixed with bear grease or other animal fat), but there is enough distinction in the images and execution of style in the pictographs that this researcher has determined that the hide winter count is a variant, if not the originator, of the Medicine Bear Winter Count.

The waníyetu wowápi, winter count, is a pictographic record, a mnemonic device, in which each image represents a year with a story of the people, in this case, Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna. It is not a calendar, not in the sense that you can look ahead and see the next month or year, but a record to look back at previous years.

The traditional homeland of the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna lies between the Mníšoše (Water-Astir; Missouri River) and Čaŋsáŋsaŋ Wakpá (White Birch River; James River), and south of Mní Wakȟáŋ (Water With-Energy; Spirit Lake) on the Northern Great Plains. Occasionally the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna ventured as far east as Ohio, and as far west as the Čhaŋsótka Wakpá (Towering Tree River; Little Missouri River).

In Josephine Waggoner’s book “Witness: A Húŋkpapȟa Historian’s Strong-Heart Songs of the Lakotas” there are listed thirteen bands of Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna. These thirteen groups were split among three different reservations in the late 1800’s, Standing Rock (Wičhíyena), Fort Peck (Wačhíŋča Oyáte), and Crow Creek (Húŋkpathi).

The Montana Historical Society Medicine Bear Winter Count has been correlated with the Medicine Bear Winter Count (Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna) at Dartmouth College, the Blue Thunder Winter Count (Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna) at the State Historical Society of North Dakota (SHSND), the High Dog Winter Count (variously listed as Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna and Huŋkphápȟa) at the SHSND, the Chandler-Pohrt Winter Count at the Detroit Institute of Arts in Detroit, MI, and the John K. Bear Winter Count (Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna). The Lakota Language Consortium standard orthography has been used to write the text of each entry in Dakȟóta.

1823 (1): Wahúwapa šéča ȟápi waníyetu kiŋ (Ears-of-corn dried bury-they winter the). That winter they cached parched ears of corn.

1824 (2): Ȟaȟátȟuŋwaŋ ób kičhízapi. Čhaŋkáškapi yuȟdéčapi ([Water] Fall-dwellers with fight-they. Fence-fortification to-tear-apart-they). They fought with the Chippewa. They tore their palisades to pieces.

1825 (3): Mní wičhát’E (Water many-dead). Dead bodies in the water.

1826 (4): Tȟaspáŋna Wakpána éd waníthipi (Apple-[Little] Creek at winter-camp). They made winter camp at Apple Creek.

1827 (5): Wičháakiȟ’aŋ na wičháša čheȟpí yútA, Isáŋyathi (Starvation and people flesh to-eat-something, Santee). In their desperate hunger, the Santee ate their own.

1828 (6): Wakáŋkadaŋ ób kičhízapi (Thunder-beings with fight-they). They fought with the Thunder Beings.

1829 (7): Makhú Šá čhaŋkáğa thípi káğA Hiŋháŋ Wakpá éd (Breast-bone Red trimmed-logs lodge to-build Owl River at). Red Breast built a cabin on Owl River (Moreau River). The variant depicts a lodge alongside a cabin. The Medicine Bear Winter Count depicts a man wearing a hat (a white man; a trader) next to a cabin.

1830 (8): Pȟadáni ób kičhízapi kiŋ (Arikara with fight-they the). They fought with the Arikara. The variant depicts four figures representing the enemy. The Medicine Bear Winter Count depicts only two.

1831 (9): Nuŋpá kičhíkte (Two killed-each-other). Two men killed each other.

1832 (10): Thí tȟáŋka obléča káğapi (Lodge big square-sides built-they). They built a large cabin.

1833 (11): Wičháȟpi hiŋȟpáya (Star-Nation to-fall-down). The stars fell down.

1834 (12): Matȟó kičhí waníthipi, Čhaŋté Wakpá éd (Bear with winter-camp, Heart River at). They made winter camp with a bear, at Heart River.

1835 (13): Wičhíyena óta wičhákasotapi waníyetu (Wičhíyena many massacre-they winter). Many Upper Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna (Yanktonai) were massacred that winter. Both the variant and the Medicine Bear Winter Count depict a Hupáwaheyuŋpi (Poles Pack-things-up-to-travel), or travois which was used to move their wounded and deceased.

1836 (14): Tȟatȟáŋka Iŋyáŋke tȟóka kte na thi akdí kiŋ (Bison-[Bull] Running enemy kill and camp return the). Running Bull killed an enemy and returned to camp. The variant and the Medicine Bear Winter Count depict a figure above which is featured four horse tracks, killing or counting coup on another figure. The horse tracks represent a successful horse raid against his enemy.

1837 (15): Wičháȟaŋȟaŋ tȟaŋká (Smallpox big). There was an epidemic of smallpox.

1838 (16): Wičháȟaŋȟaŋ aktá (Smallpox again). Another epidemic of smallpox.

1839 (17): Pté sáŋ ktépi (Bison-[Cow] creamy-white kill-they). They killed a female white bison.

1840 (18): Tȟámina Wé Padáni ob kičhize waktékdi (His-Knife Blood Arikara with fight return-in-victory). His Bloody Knife returned in victory from a fight against the Arikara. This is the Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna Dakȟóta headman of the Wičhíyena, or PȟabáksA (“Cutheads”) division. In later years he was known as Oscar No Heart. The forehead of the figure in the variant is painted scarlet, indicating that this is a PȟabáksA figure.

1841 (19): Itáŋčhaŋ ktépi (Leader kill-they). They killed a chief.

1842 (20): Tȟatȟáŋka Oyé Wakȟáŋ t’Á. Wakhéya kdézena uŋ wičháknakapi. (Bison-Bull Tracks With-Energy died. Lodge striped using above-the-ground [buried]-they). Holy Buffalo Tracks died. They laid him to rest in a striped thípi.

1843 (21): Čhaŋčéğa Yuhá ečíyapi ptehíko (Drum Has called-by-name-them bison-to-attract). Drum Owner called the bison.

1844 (22): Wíŋyaŋ onákte (woman prairie-fire-killed). A woman died in a prairie fire. The figure depicted is standing in flame.

1845 (23): Huŋkádowaŋpi (Singing-over-a-relative-they). They sang over someone in ceremony and made a relative. The making-of-relatives ceremony is still practiced among the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ (the Seven Council Fires; the name the “Great Sioux Nation” refers to themselves) today.

1846 (24): Šuŋg’híŋzi áwičakdipi (Horse-teeth-yellow captured-return-they). They brought back horses with yellow teeth.

1847 (25): Wašíču nuŋpá kičhí waníthi (Takes-The-Fat two with winter-camp). Two white traders camped with them that winter.

1848 (26): Kičhí ktépi (Each-other killed-they). They killed each other. This year’s entry depicts two men shooting each other.

1849 (27): WatȟókhiyopȟeyA čhúŋkaške éd waníthipi (To-Trade fort at winter-camp). They wintered at a trading post.

1850 (28): Wópȟetȟuŋ waŋ Wičhíyena ópi. Matȟó Núŋpa thíŋktes’a t’eyÁ (Trader a Wičhíyena wound. Bear Two murderer-would-be caused-to-die). An Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna wounds a trader. Two Bear puts the would-be murderer to death. Note: The Two Bear family on Standing Rock insist on the use of “Two Bear” as opposed to “Two Bears.”

1851 (29): Heȟáka šá kútepi (Elk red hunted-they). They hunted a red elk. The variant depicts a lodge in front of the elk indicating that the hunters conferred and prayed about this hunt. The Medicine Bear Winter Count depicts only a leaping red elk.

1852 (30): Matȟó Wašté ečíyapi ptehíko (Bear Good called-them-by-name bison-to-attract). Good Bear called the bison. The variant depicts a lodge in front of the bison indicating that the hunters, in this case Good Bear, prayed about this hunt. The Medicine Bear Winter Count depicts only a charging or leaping bison.

1853 (31): Hé Tópa uŋ waŋ ktépi (Horn/s Four wearing a killed-they). They killed a man wearing a headdress with four horns. Both the variant and the Medicine Bear Winter Count depict a head with what appears to be a shaved horn headdress with four horns, and a trailer of what appears to be ermine tails and a slat (slats were quilled and sometimes decorated with feathers or plumes).

1854 (32): Waníyetu kičhízapi (Winter fight-they). They had a fight that winter.

1855 (33): Phuthíŋ Ská wawáhoye kiŋ (Beard White to-order-things the). White Beard [General William Harney] gave the order.

1856 (34): Wapȟáha waŋ yuk’ézapi (Warbonnet in-particular to-shear-off-they). In a fight, he sheared a war-bonnet off [the enemy’s head]. The variant depicts a wapȟáha (a warbonnet) with what appears to be horns. The Medicine Bear Winter Count depicts the same but without this embellishment.

1857 (35): Tȟatȟáŋka Ináži wiŋyáŋ áwičakdi (Bison-[Bull] Standing woman captured-returned-with). Standing Bull brought back a captive woman.

1858 (36): Waŋbdí Hoȟpí t’Á (Eagle Nest died). Eagle Nest died.

1859 (37): Wókapȟaŋ paŋȟya (Meat-block/pemmican very-much). Much pemmican. The variant depicts blocks or parcels of meat in front of the lodge door. The Medicine Bear Winter Count depicts the same on the lodge.

1860 (38): Šuŋkawakȟaŋ óta áwičakdipi (Horses many captured-returned-with). They returned with many captured horses.

1861 (39): Hitȟúŋkasaŋ Dúta šuŋkawakȟaŋ óta áwičakdi aktá (Weasel Red horses many captured-returned-with again). Red Weasel returned with many captured horses.

1862 (40): Kȟaŋğí tópa ktépi (Crow four killed-they). They killed four Crow.

1863 (41): Akíčhita Pȟá Tȟáŋka kaškápi. Kdí na t’Á (Soldier/s Head Big imprisoned. Return and die). Soldiers imprisoned Big Head. He returned and died. The variant depicts a figure with four feathers, and appears to be wounded. The Medicine Bear Winter Count depicts a figure with three feathers.

1864 (42): Wíŋyaŋ nuŋpá ktépi (Woman two killed-they). They killed two women.

1865 (43): Pȟatkâša Pȟá čhapȟÁ t’ekíyA (Jugular-vein-scarlet Head [Western Painted Turtle] stab to-cause-one’s-own-death). Western Painted Turtle Head [or “Turtle Head”] was stabbed to death.

1866 (44): Wóoyake Wičháša ktépi (Story Man killed-they). They killed Storyteller.

1867 (45): Waníyetu osní (Winter cold). It was a cold dark winter. The accompanying text of the Medicine Bear Winter Count says that this was an especially cold winter. The image depicted for this year’s entry is a circle that appears to be hastily filled in. This might also represent the solar eclipse the summer of 1868.

1868 (46): Itázipčho akézaptaŋ t’Á (Without-Bows fifteen died). Fifteen members of the Itázipčho (Sans Arc) died. The conflict appears to be with the Kȟaŋǧí (Crow Nation).

1869 (47): Kȟaŋğí wičháša wikčémna yámni wičháktepi (Crow men ten three men-killed-they). They fought and killed thirty Crow men. Only four are depicted.

1870 (48): Wašíču waŋ Nasú ikčéka kté (Takes-The-Fat a Brain common killed). Brain, a Lakȟóta, killed a white man. This entry appears to correspond to the Blue Thunder Winter Count entry for 1871-1872.

1871 (49): Witkówiŋ nuŋpá ktépi (Crazy-women two killed-they). They killed two prostitutes.

1872 (50): Wakhéya Šáya t’Á (Lodge Red-Painted died). Red Painted Lodge died.

1873 (51): Šuŋkawakȟaŋ otá áwičakdipi (Horses many captured-returned-with). They returned with many captured horses. The variant depicts many horse tracks, while the Medicine Bear depicts only captured horses.

1874 (52): Wičháša zaptáŋ ahí ktépi (Men five came-here killed-they). They killed five of them.

1875 (53): Tȟóka nuŋwaŋki napá (enemy swim-home escape). The enemy escaped by swimming home. The arch below the enemy figures represent each one’s escape.

1876 (54): Heȟáka t’Á (Elk died). Elk died. A man named Elk died. The image represents a name glyph in this case, as opposed to them actually hunting an elk.

1877 (55): Waníyetu snížE (Winter withering). A withering year. Whether this year represents the weather or is in reference to the fallout of Okíčhize Pȟežísla Wakpá (the Battle of the Greasy Grass; the Battle of the Little Bighorn), it was a long wearying year. They were tired. This year marks the first of the remaining entries to include a palisade before the figure. This represents the “prison” era, or the beginning of the reservation era.

1878 (56): Tȟašúŋke Máza ktépi (Horse Iron killed-they). They killed Iron Horse.

1879 (57): Wapȟáha Sápa šuŋkawakȟaŋ óta áwičakdi (Warbonnet Black horse many captured-returned-with). Black Warbonnet led a successful horse raid.

1880 (58): Phizí thí (Gall lodge). Gall lodge. Soldiers fired into Gall’s camp on the Tongue River. Gall and his followers, Crow King, Black Moon, Low Dog, and Fools Heart, and their extended families (a total of 230 people) were brought to Standing Rock Agency in the summer of 1881.

1881 (59): Wakíŋyaŋ Nuŋpá ktépi (Thunder-Being Two killed-they). They killed Two Thunder. Two Thunderbirds are depicted.

1882 (60): Kȟaŋğí wičháša hípi (Crow men three came-they). The Crow man came to them. One Crow man is depicted “followed” by a white man.

1883 (61): 1883 (61): Matȟó Wakȟáŋ t’Á (Bear With-Energy died). Holy Bear died. The Medicine Bear and Blue Thunder Winter Counts both say that Medicine Bear died this year.

1884 (62): Makȟá k’apí (Earth dug-they). They dug earth. This could reference the construction of a sod house, construction (maintenance possibly) of an earth lodge, or preparations for funerals.

1885 (63): Waȟúŋ Nap’íŋ t’Á (Burning Necklace died). Burning Necklace died.

1886 (64): Wakȟáŋpahomni ktépi (With-Energy-Turns killed-they). They killed Turns Holy.

1887 (65): Maȟpíya Hétoŋ mníwani kté (Cloud Horn Turning kill). Turning Horn Cloud was killed. The image resembles the Medicine Bear Winter Count entry for this year. The Blue Thunder Winter Count text for this year, however, seems to be a better correlation: Matȟó Núŋpa huŋká waŋžítku t’Á, Čhečá Yámni ečíyapi (Bear Two ceremoniously-adopted one-his died, Thighs Three name-they). Two Bear’s ceremonially adopted brother, whom they called Three Thighs, died. Neither text from Blue Thunder nor Medicine Bear seem to fully match the entry on this variant. One of the figure’s cheek is colored red, as a woman would have colored her cheeks. Red painted circles on a woman’s cheeks were considered beautiful accents.

1888 (66): Išúŋmanuŋ t’Á (Fails-To-Steal died). Does Not Steal died.

1889 (67): Šuŋkawakȟaŋ waŋ kiíyaŋkdi t’Á (Horse a race-horse died). A race horse died.





Fur Trade Era On The Upper Missouri River, A Review

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The cover of Sunder's book 
The Fur Trade Era On The Upper Missouri
Cannonball River Part Of History, A Review
By Dakota Wind
Cannonball, ND – The first edition of John Sunder’s “The Fur Trade Era On The Upper Missouri, 1840-1865” was published in 1965 by the University of Oklahoma Press. The book focuses on the closing days of the American Fur Company on the Northern Great Plains which effectively concluded with the punitive campaigns of generals Sibley and Sully.

The fur trade has an interesting history in North America. The French and English hooked native peoples with trade goods such as mirrors, knives, kettles, beads, and guns. American Indian tribes even made war on one another for a hundred years in the Great Lakes region until the beaver was effectively hunted out at the turn of 1700. Then the fur trade turned west.

Sunder takes readers to the last of the trading posts on the Upper Missouri, from Fort Berthold where the Arikara, Hidatsa, and Mandan became utterly dependent on the US military for aid in their struggle for survival against the elements and the hostilities of their traditional enemies, the Teton Lakota, to Fort Union Trading Post.

Sunder’s narrative is a carefully constructed study of the last trading posts. That is to say, that this book is dry in its detail, but everything within is genuinely valued and included for its contribution to the development of the American West. This includes mentions of rivers and streams on the Upper Missouri River that have been exploited for their material value, rivers and streams that were inter-tribal conflict sites, and river and streams that have served as important points of interest for river traffic.

Here’s a short excerpt from Sunder’s The Fur Trade Era On The Upper Missouri, 1840-1865 which happens to pertain to the Cannonball River, a western tributary of the Missouri River, and of some interest to the energy industry.

After brief stops at Forts Buford and Union, the St. Ange reached the mouth of the Poplar River. Since the mid-July channel of the Missouri was too low to allow Captain La Barge to go up-river beyond that point, he unloaded freight destined for the Blackfoot country, then swung the steamer around and rode the current downriver to St. Louis, carrying a large cargo of robes and furs and new Indian-country curiosities: spherical stones from Cannonball River and a caged wild songbird resembling an Old World finch. Father De Smet, who disembarked at Fort Union, accompanied Alexander Culbertson and thirty Indians in a small wagon and cart train overland from Yellowstone to Fort Laramie to attend a scheduled September meeting between St. Louis Indian Superintendent Mitchell and the northern Plains tribes.


These spherical stones, concretions, from the 60-million-year-old Cannonball Formation – unique to North Dakota – continue to be a part of North Dakota’s identity and geologic history, so much that a lovely collection of the stones are prominently featured at the new east entrance of the North Dakota Heritage Center & State Museum. The stones were collected from Harmon Lake recreation area. There's precious few stones remaining at the Cannonball River. 

Sunder’s book is available at the NorthDakota Heritage Center & State Museum’s gift shop. The book is not listed for purchase on the website, but it's on the floor. Get your copy today!


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